Wednesday, May 19, 2021

RSN: Robert Reich | The Secret Tax Loophole Making the Rich Even Richer

 


 

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18 May 21

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Robert Reich | The Secret Tax Loophole Making the Rich Even Richer
Former Clinton labor secretary Robert Reich. (photo: Steve Russell/Toronto Star)
Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Blog
Reich writes: "How do we prevent America from becoming an aristocracy, while also funding the programs that Americans desperately need?"

One way is to get rid of a tax loophole you’ve probably never heard of. It’s known as the “stepped-up basis" rule.

Here’s how the stepped-up-basis loophole now works. Take a man named Jeff. At his death, Jeff owns $30 million-worth of stocks he originally bought for a total of $10 million. Under existing law, neither Jeff nor his heirs would owe federal tax on the $20 million of gains because they’re automatically “stepped up” to their value when he dies — $30 million.

Under Biden’s proposal, Jeff’s $20 million of gains would be taxed. And don’t worry: Biden’s proposal doesn’t touch tax-favored retirement accounts, such as 401-Ks, and it only applies to the very richest Americans.

As it is now, the stepped-up basis loophole enables the super-rich, like Jeff, to avoid paying more than $40 billion in taxes each year. It has allowed them to skip taxes on the increased values of mansions and artworks as well as shares of stock.

In fact, it’s one of the chief means by which dynastic wealth has grown and been passed from generation to generation, enabling subsequent generations to live off that growing wealth and never pay a dime of taxes on it.

Unless the stepped-up basis loophole is closed, we will soon have a large class of hugely rich people who have never worked a day in their lives.

Over the next decades, rich baby boomers will pass on an estimated $58 trillion of wealth to their millennial children — the largest intergenerational transfer of wealth in history.

Closing this giant tax loophole for the super-rich is how Biden intends to fund part of his American Families Plan, which would provide every child with 2 years of pre-school and every student with 2 years of free community college, as well as provide paid family and medical leave to every worker.

Close this stepped-up basis loophole, and we help finance the programs the vast majority of Americans desperately need and deserve. We also end the explosion of dynastic wealth. It should be a no-brainer.

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Senators Kyrsten Sinema and Joe Manchin. (photo: Getty Images)
Senators Kyrsten Sinema and Joe Manchin. (photo: Getty Images)


How Dems Can Force Manchin and Sinema to Put Up or Shut Up
Max Burns, The Daily Beast
Burns writes: "Senator Kyrsten Sinema is confused. At a private caucus meeting last week, she pointedly asked Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer why Democrats can't overcome Republican opposition to the major ethics and voting rights reforms that Joe Biden promised voters, and that over 60 percent of Americans across party lines support."

opener If those two really think bipartisan compromise remains possible, all they need to do is bring 10 Republican senators with them. If not, it’s time to take down the filibuster.


enator Kyrsten Sinema is confused. At a private caucus meeting last week, she pointedly asked Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer why Democrats can’t overcome Republican opposition to the major ethics and voting rights reforms that Joe Biden promised voters, and that over 60 percent of Americans across party lines support. But Sinema wasn’t talking about the For the People Act that Schumer hopes to squeak through. She was referring to her own competing legislation.

Not to be outdone, last week Senator Joe Manchin announced his own plan to address the GOP’s nationwide war on voting rights, a not-so-subtle way of saying he won’t be signing on to Schumer’s consensus bill, either.

If Sinema and Manchin breaking ranks didn’t complicate matters enough, neither is willing to end or even modify the filibuster to get voting rights passed. Instead, they’re telling Democrats—and the millions of Americans at risk of losing their votes in 2022 and beyond—to trust in the myth of Senate bipartisanship. So Schumer should issue an ultimatum: find 10 Republicans to pass your bill or Democrats are taking down the filibuster.

Without any modifications to the filibuster, Manchin and Sinema will need to come up with 10 Republican senators willing to oppose the GOP’s sweeping attempts to gut the right to vote. Good luck—almost 90 percent of all voting-related legislation in the states this year has come from Republican lawmakers.

Spoiler alert: Those bills aren’t about helping voters, but stopping them. In Georgia, Republicans remain so traumatized by Biden’s upset victory that they’re now considering targeting the same suburbs that once elected Newt Gingrich with a new round of Trump-inspired voter suppression laws.

Voter suppression is one of the few unifying ideas left in a Republican Party hollowed out and pillaged by Trumpism. Manchin has as much chance at persuading them to undermine their own electoral fortunes as he does at convincing Elizabeth Warren to pass a tax cut for Big Tech.

Manchin made media hay of a joint statement calling for the reauthorization of the Voting Rights Act that he authored with GOP Senator Lisa Murkowski, but Murkowski has pointedly not signed on to any of the voting rights bills before the Senate. And even if she did, Senate Republicans have abandoned Murkowski for her insufficient loyalty to Donald Trump.

“Inaction is not an option,” Manchin and Murkowski wrote. “Congress must come together—just as we have done time and again—to reaffirm our longstanding bipartisan commitment to free, accessible, and secure elections for all.”

Left unsaid in that soaring rhetoric is the fact that the Senate that voted 77-19 to pass the Voting Rights Act of 1965 was not in thrall to a far right as dominant as today’s MAGA movement. Manchin doesn’t seem to notice or care that the broad bipartisan coalition of Rockefeller Republicans and progressive Democrats who passed the original VRA hasn’t existed for over 40 years. Those critical liberal Republicans, now entirely extinct, didn’t even survive the GOP’s rightward lurch at the end of the 1970s.

For his part, Biden seems committed to fostering some kind of progress on voting rights. The president has lavished attention on both Manchin and Sinema, despite or because of their resistance to both his infrastructure plan and other Democrats’ dream of ending the filibuster. He doesn’t have much of a choice. Biden has excoriated Republican voter suppression efforts in Georgia, calling them “Jim Crow in the 21st century” and arguing that “we have a moral and constitutional obligation to act.”

Biden is acutely aware that Black voters—more than any other single group—are responsible for installing him in the White House. He also knows that as Manchin and Sinema go speed-dating for GOP votes, Republicans in the states are busy chipping away at what few voter protections remain.

When Sinema and Manchin fail to deliver on their big talk about the power of bipartisanship, Schumer and Senate Democrats must be prepared to force a serious effort to kill the filibuster. Without it, GOP efforts to undermine the vote in 2022 and 2024 will proceed with impunity, undermining the marginalized communities that delivered a Democratic Senate and White House on the explicit promise that they would be protected from Republican reprisals.

Those reprisals are now here, and Senate Democrats are nowhere to be found.

Earlier this month Florida Governor and rumored 2024 presidential candidate Ron DeSantis signed a sweeping voter suppression law restricting the use of vote-by-mail and ballot drop boxes, both of which helped Black Democrats in Georgia overcome intentionally long lines and shuttered polling places in 2020. DeSantis made sure his supporters saw his attack on voting rights by arranging to sign the legislation live on Fox & Friends, a right-wing morning show that now explicitly serves as the GOP press office. And that was just one of the nearly 3,000 draconian voter suppression bills introduced this year.

Every day of inaction to protect voting rights is another day for Republican operatives in Congress and in the states to purge voter lists, as Mississippi is doing, or enact tough new voter ID requirements while closing DMVs, as North Carolina Republicans did. Voters can’t afford to wait while Manchin talks up his role as the Great Compromiser—without ever striking a compromise in Democrats’ favor.

The activist base of the Democratic Party has reached its boiling point with Sinema and Manchin’s empty promises that bipartisan victories are just around the corner. If moderate Democratic senators can create a viable voting rights plan with Republican buy-in, it will deserve high praise for achieving the impossible.

But if they fail, Schumer and Biden must be prepared to take all steps necessary to ensure the right to vote is protected from unprecedented Trumpist attacks. At least Sinema and Manchin can say they tried.

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Rep. Val Demings. (photo: Shawn Thew/Getty Images)
Rep. Val Demings. (photo: Shawn Thew/Getty Images)


Rep Val Demings Will Challenge Marco Rubio for His Senate Seat in 2022
Stephen A. Crockett Jr., The Root
Crockett Jr. writes: "Rep. Val Demings (D-Fla.) is not coming to play games."

She was reportedly considered to be Joe Biden’s running mate, has a history of being a no-nonsense straight shooter, and the people of Florida—the ones who aren’t on meth or saving up their coins to afford a Mar-a-Lago membership—love her. So it makes sense that she’s going to leave her House seat for the Senate.

In 2022, Demings will challenge Florida Sen. Marco Rubio for his seat, Politico reports.

“Val is an impressive and formidable candidate whose potential entrance would make the race against Rubio highly competitive,” a Democrat with knowledge of the party’s direction told Politico.

Demings had been toying with the idea of entering the Senate race, telling MSNBC anchor Jonathan Capehart in April that she was considering a run.

“I have received calls and texts and messages from people all over the state asking me to run because they feel that they are not represented and their voices are not heard,” she said. “I want to go, Jonathan, to the position where I can do the most good. And be the most effective and do the most work. My home state of Florida deserves that.”

Demings has served in the House since 2017 and her husband is the mayor of Orange County, Fla. And because white people love this shit, Demings worked as the chief of Orlando’s police department.

But why now?

“If I had to point to one thing, I think it’s the COVID bill and the way Republicans voted against it for no good reason,” an adviser for Demings told Politico. “That really helped push her over the edge. She also had this huge fight with [Ohio Republican Rep.] Jim Jordan and it brought that into focus. This fight is in Washington and it’s the right fight for her to continue.”

Rubio was planning to run for reelection for his seat, which he’s held since 2011, but something tells me he may make up a stomach-thingy so he can leave school early now that he knows that Demings wants a fight.

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A memorial for George Floyd. (photo: Stephen Maturen/Getty Images)
A memorial for George Floyd. (photo: Stephen Maturen/Getty Images)


Still Waiting on Justice for George Floyd
Anand Jahi, In These Times
Jahi writes: "I expect I would have been angry had the police officer who killed George Floyd been acquitted. But I also didn't feel happy or celebratory, as many people did, when Derek Chauvin was found guilty. I felt numb. Empty."

One man has been condemned, but the system he came to represent is still intact.

While they may have been sparked by the video of Derek Chauvin kneeling on George Floyd’s neck for an excruciating 9.5 minutes, the uprisings that swept across the world in summer 2020 were about more than just these two men. The images struck a nerve in the American collective consciousness.

A stone-faced white police officer kneels on the neck of an unarmed, handcuffed, prone Black man accused of a petty and nonviolent crime as he pleads for his life. The Black man gasps that he can’t breathe, calls for his mother and then goes limp. All the while, the white police officer, his face cold and disinterested, keeps the pressure on, even after the Black man has died. It would be difficult to conjure an image that better epitomizes the criminal justice system’s brutal and bureaucratic suffocation of Black America over the past several decades.

Yes, last summer’s uprisings were a condemnation of Derek Chauvin. But they were also a response to deep-seated, large-scale, systemic pain.

That pain was exacerbated by a pandemic. George Floyd was murdered during the first wave of Covid-19 in the United States, in which a disease buoyed by government inaction and mismanagement was disproportionately impacting Black and Brown communities. Like Derek Chauvin, the virus was deadly and unrelenting. For that reason, too, the image resonated.

Recall that at the time, U.S. unemployment was hitting the highest rate since the Great Depression, the government was printing money to pay for relief bills and nonviolent offenders were being released from prisons and jails because of the public health threat. To act like a guilty verdict represents justice is to accept that, even in such circumstances, the appropriate response to someone who was made unemployed by the pandemic and who was allegedly passing a counterfeit $20 bill is to lock him up.

It was illegal to kill George Floyd; the guilty verdict affirms that. But it would have been wrong to arrest George Floyd even without incident — a fact that seems to have been completely lost in the wake of the murder conviction.

Perhaps that’s why the conviction of Derek Chauvin left me feeling empty. One man has been condemned, but the system he came to represent is still intact. One of the core roles of a police force is to protect and serve capital. Police officers routinely do so by depriving human beings of their lives and liberty. That core dynamic remains firmly in place.

Still, continued calls to defund the police and invest in life-giving systems give me hope. While some may take solace in the Chauvin verdict as evidence that the system has righted itself, others remember it was always about more than just two men. True justice entails grappling with the systems that shaped them and their experiences, that sent them careening toward each other and that ultimately destroyed them both.

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Joe Arpaio was the sheriff in Maricopa County, Arizona. (photo: Darren Hauck/AP)
Joe Arpaio was the sheriff in Maricopa County, Arizona. (photo: Darren Hauck/AP)


Arizona Sheriff Arpaio's Immigration Patrols Targeting Latinos to Cost Public $200 Million
Associated Press
Excerpt: "The costs to taxpayers from a racial profiling lawsuit stemming from former Sheriff Joe Arpaio's immigration patrols in metro Phoenix a decade ago are expected to reach $202 million by summer 2022."

Taxpayers are on the hook for lawyer bills and the costs of complying with overhauls of the sheriff’s office after a verdict found Arpaio’s officers profiled Latinos in traffic patrols that targeted immigrants.


he costs to taxpayers from a racial profiling lawsuit stemming from former Sheriff Joe Arpaio’s immigration patrols in metro Phoenix a decade ago are expected to reach $202 million by summer 2022.

Officials approved a tentative county budget Monday that provides $31 million for the cost of complying with court orders in the fiscal year that begins on July 1. No one can say exactly when the costs from the 13-year-old lawsuit will start to decline.

The growth in spending “is enough to make any of us cry as we’re trying to be fiscal stewards of the county taxpayer money,” Supervisor Clint Hickman said.

Taxpayers in Arizona’s most populated county are on the hook for lawyer bills and the costs of complying with massive court-ordered overhauls of the sheriff’s office after a 2013 verdict concluded Arpaio’s officers had profiled Latinos in traffic patrols that targeted immigrants.

Arpaio, known for a tough-on-crime approach in his 24 years as sheriff that included forcing jail inmates to wear pink underwear and housing them in tents in triple-digit desert heat, targeted illegal immigration and was convicted of criminal contempt for disobeying a court order to stop his immigration patrols. His misdemeanor conviction was later pardoned by then-President Donald Trump.

The taxpayer spending is expected to continue until the Maricopa County sheriff’s office has fully complied with overhauling its traffic enforcement and internal affairs operations for three straight years.

Although some of the agency’s numbers are near or at 100%, the sheriff’s office hasn’t yet been deemed fully compliant.

Attorneys who pressed the case against the sheriff’s office have criticized the agency for traffic-stop studies since the profiling verdict showing deputies often treat drivers who are Hispanic and Black differently than other drivers, though the reports stopped short of saying Latinos were still being profiled.

The lawyers also have asked a judge to hold civil contempt-of-court hearings against Arpaio’s successor, Sheriff Paul Penzone, over a backlog of more than 1,700 internal affairs cases, each taking an average of 500 days to complete.

Penzone’s office said the funding and employees hired as part of the overhaul effort will need to remain in place once the agency is deemed fully compliant.

“Effectively, this is the new ‘standard of policing’ and the majority of this funding will need to remain in the MCSO budget,” the sheriff’s office said. “MCSO is working diligently to come into full compliance with the Court orders.”

Raul Piña, who serves on a community advisory board set up to help improve trust in the sheriff’s office, said the funding is necessary so the agency can respect the constitutional rights of Hispanic people.

“Of course, we are tired of paying, but if you are a Hispanic vehicle operator, you are tired of being racially profiled at the same time — and the agency isn’t in a rush to stop that,” Piña said.

Arpaio’s immigration patrols, known as “sweeps,” involved large numbers of sheriff’s deputies converging on an area of metro Phoenix — including some Latino neighborhoods — over the course of several days to stop traffic violators and arrest other offenders.

Arpaio led 20 of the large-scale patrols from January 2008 through October 2011. Under Arpaio’s leadership, the agency continued doing immigration enforcement in smaller, more routine traffic patrols until spring 2013, leading to his criminal conviction.

On Monday, Arpaio said he doesn’t regret carrying out the immigration patrols and contends his crackdowns still helped reduce taxpayer costs for providing education and health care to immigrants in the United States illegally.

As for the financial costs of the profiling lawsuit, Arpaio said the spending on equipment and additional employees was needed anyway to modernize the agency.

“It’s a one-side type of story they (his critics) want to push out,” Arpaio said. “Don’t blame me for the money being spent.”

Over the years, taxpayers have paid a combined $18 million in legal fees to lawyers on both sides of the case and about $20 million for a team of experts that monitors the sheriff’s office.

The overwhelming majority of the spending goes toward hiring employees to help meet the court’s requirements. Penzone’s office said there are 192 positions budgeted for compliance, though 42 of them are vacant.

The court-ordered changes also include new training for deputies on making constitutional traffic stops, establishing a warning system to identify problematic behavior, equipping deputies with body-worn cameras and interventions for deputies flagged for having statistical differences from their peers in how they have treated Latinos.

The sheriff’s office was deemed 98% compliant in a first set of requirements for reforming its traffic patrol operations and 79% compliant in meeting a second set of requirements.

The agency is faring better with an overhaul that the judge ordered for its internal affairs operations, which under Arpaio had been criticized for biased decision-making aimed at protecting officials from accountability. It met 100% of a first set of requirements and 92% of a second set.

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People protest the Tokyo Olympics on Monday in Tokyo. (photo: Yuichi Yamazaki/Getty Images)
People protest the Tokyo Olympics on Monday in Tokyo. (photo: Yuichi Yamazaki/Getty Images)


Japanese Doctors Call for Olympics Cancellation Amid Covid-19 Surge
Katerina Ang, Jennifer Hassan, and Derek Hawkins, The Washington Post

he Tokyo 2020 Games start in 66 days, but a major Japanese doctors group is calling for the already delayed event to be canceled over fears that Japan’s health-care system cannot accommodate the potential medical needs of thousands of international athletes, coaches and media amid a surge of coronavirus cases in the country.

“We strongly request that the authorities convince the [International Olympic Committee] that holding the Olympics is difficult and obtain its decision to cancel the Games,” the Tokyo Medical Practitioners Association said. Tokyo hospitals “have their hands full and have almost no spare capacity,” the association of roughly 6,000 primary-care physicians added.

Infections continued to trend downward in the United States. President Biden said that coronavirus cases are down in all 50 states for the first time since the pandemic began and that the nation would share even more coronavirus vaccine doses internationally.


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Tony Pigford, a Black, fourth-generation Denverite, in front of his home. (photo: Will Tracey)
Tony Pigford, a Black, fourth-generation Denverite, in front of his home. (photo: Will Tracey)


How Green Is Denver if You're Black? These Residents Are About to Find Out
Caroline Tracey, Guardian UK
Tracey writes: "For decades, the clubhouse of the Park Hill golf course in north-east Denver, Colorado, hosted weddings and graduation parties for residents of nearby neighborhoods."

An oasis of green space has become a lightning rod in ongoing debates about gentrification, open spaces and racial equity

or decades, the clubhouse of the Park Hill golf course in north-east Denver, Colorado, hosted weddings and graduation parties for residents of nearby neighborhoods. “It’s been a very valuable resource to this community, when you need event space and can’t afford swankier venues,” said Shanta Harrison, who lives eight blocks away.

The 155-acre golf course stands out as an island of green space in the middle of the only remaining neighborhoods in Denver where over 40% of residents identify as African American. And according to state law, it’s supposed to stay that way forever: since 1997, the property has been under a conservation easement - a deed restriction stating that it can never be developed.

But in the last year, the golf course has become a lightning rod in ongoing debates about gentrification, open spaces and racial equity in Denver. In 2019, the developer Westside Investment Partners bought the private golf course, and has since gestured at big plans: a mixed-use vision that includes both market-rate and affordable housing, businesses, as well as a grocery store and a park.

“We bought it because we knew we could do so much better than a golf course,” said Westside principal Kenneth Ho.

Opponents argue the golf course should stay as is or be turned into another kind of green space. But despite this pushback, since February the city has been moving forward with a planning process that is often the first step in developing a site. The city hopes to have a development agreement with Westside in place by next summer, according to documents revealed through public records requests and reported here for the first time.

The fight to block development is led by environmental groups and city council members who say Black residents – who, along with Latinos in Denver, live in historically underserved neighborhoods – should have proper access to nature and green space. In a city famous for open spaces, natural beauty and outdoor recreation, environmental justice activists are now asking whether local officials are committed to preserving Black residents’ access to these environmental amenities.

“I’m not a golfer. I’m interested in open space,” said Sandy Robnette, a Black resident. “And what I see here is environmental racism.”

Community activists are now butting heads with the city over whether the easement can legally be lifted. But even if the easement must be upheld, it remains unclear whether the deed restriction supports other uses, beyond a golf course.

Environmentalists are doing their best to bring these questions to light – in part because they see their fight as not only about 155 acres in Park Hill but about which contracts the city will uphold.

Opponents of Westside’s plans worry that the city is abdicating its responsibility to protect green space.

Following the sale of the Park Hill golf course, a group of residents formed an organization called Save Open Space (SOS) Denver to challenge development on environmental and legal grounds. The group – which counts the former Denver mayor Wellington Webb and former state legislator Penfield Tate, both of whom are Black, among its membership – wants the space to become a park instead.

This month, SOS requested and obtained public records that outline the city’s step-by-step plan for getting the golf course developed, and to have an agreement in place by August 2022.

A spokesperson for the city told the Guardian that timeline would be followed “only if a community vision supports the idea”. Westside’s Ho argued it is “pretty normal for a big project to have a proposed overall roadmap”.

This year, the city moved forward with a “visioning process” aimed at “hear[ing] from the longtime residents who live near the golf course” to better “understand their hopes and goals for this land”. The city argues this information gathering should take place “before entertaining any discussion on modifying the conservation easement”, but neighbors to the golf course say it signals the city is taking steps to develop the land.

The golf course has been under the conservation easement since 1997. In the 1980s, easements became the primary tool for land conservation in the US, as federal funding for conservation dried up. And Colorado has 3.2m acres under easement, more than any other state.

For the Park Hill golf course, the city of Denver oversees the easement, to ensure the land remains conserved. But local activists worry the city is neglecting its responsibility.

“It felt clear that the city told Westside, ‘We’ll take care of the easement,’” says Maria Flora, a Park Hill resident and SOS member.

In 2019, two weeks before Westside bought the golf course, the governor of Colorado signed a law to make it much harder to nix easements, and requiring district court approval. The chief architect of the revisions says they were designed specifically to stop cities – like Denver and Boulder – from walking away from their role in upholding easements.

“We decided, an easement is an easement, and everyone should have to follow the same rules,” says Erik Glenn, head of the Colorado Cattlemen’s Agricultural Land Trust. “If you’re going to try to extinguish, you have to get the court’s blessing.”

Even if the district court decided the easement must be upheld and the site cannot be developed, it’s unclear if the easement supports other, more communal uses, such as a park.

SOS members have argued that the easement does allow for other forms of open space, while the city and Westside insist that the wording dictates that it can only serve as a golf course. Melissa Daruna, who heads the state’s alliance of land trusts, says that the question will have to be answered by “case law, which nobody likes to hear, [and] looking at the precedent of other cases”. She added: “Everyone wishes they had an answer by reading [the easement], but every time there’s a conflict, it takes third parties.”

The neighborhoods that surround the Park Hill golf course – particularly North Park Hill and Northeast Park Hill – have been splintered by the debate. Proponents of development have gained sway among community members, emphasizing the need for more affordable housing.

“It’s been sad,” says fourth-generation Black Denverite Tony Pigford. “It’s causing a rift in the African American community in Denver.”

But residents who want to maintain the golf course as green space say Westside is dangling false promises of affordable housing to garner support.

“They’re saying they’ll listen and give the community what it wants and needs, and we’re trying to look at the track record and expect what will actually come,” says Pigford. At Loretto Heights, a development under way in south-west Denver, Westside is building between 1,000 and 1,200 housing units, 12% of which will be affordable.

SOS member Robnette worries that developing the golf course will gentrify the neighborhood.

“Just like everywhere else in this city, this project is designed to remove the homeless, the Black, whatever [developers] think is ugly,” she says.

Responding to the allegations of environmental racism, Westside’s Ho said “We understand the fear of gentrification,” but offered that the company is “[focused] on the community” and job growth.

Asked to respond to the possibility that the city’s planning process for developing the site reveals that community members prefer to keep the golf course as is, Ho said, “I think it’s pretty clear that no one wants a golf course.”

But some do.

“So many of us have family down south – aunts and uncles who are 90, 100 years old and still live in their houses,” says Robnette. “Why is that? It’s because they are surrounded by open space [and] the benefit of air. For that reason, if it can’t be a park, I would strongly prefer it to remain a golf course.”

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POLITICO NIGHTLY: The scandal inside the Matt Gaetz scandal

 



 
POLITICO Nightly logo

BY MICHAEL GRUNWALD

Presented by Facebook

A airplane flies with a banner in tow reading

An airplane flies with a banner in tow reading “Tick Tock Matt Gaetz” over the United States Federal Courthouse in Orlando, Fla. | Getty Images

WINGMAN OR LEAD PILOT? You’ve heard about “Gaetzgate,” the prurient scandal engulfing the provocative Trump ally Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.). His reputed wingman, a county tax collector named Joel Greenberg, pled guilty to federal charges including the sex trafficking of a 17-year-old — and Greenberg reportedly claims Gaetz had sex with that 17-year-old. It’s a big story about a big MAGA-world star. A plane flew over the courthouse with a banner that read “Tick Tock Matt Gaetz.”

But you haven’t heard enough about the bomb that’s already exploded in this scandal, because it doesn’t fit the “Gaetzgate” story line of a prominent Trumper in trouble. That bomb is the spectacularly sleazy record of Greenberg, who’s now in the spotlight for apparently flipping on his famous congressional running buddy, but ought to be famous in his own right as one of the most vile creatures ever to slither out of Florida’s political swamp.

It’s not just that Greenberg had sex with the same 17-year-old he’s accusing Gaetz of having sex with, an accusation Gaetz denies. It’s not just that Greenberg was the pimp in the sex-for-cash operation in which he claims Gaetz was a john, another accusation Gaetz denies. It’s that Greenberg also converted the Seminole County tax office into an X-rated criminal enterprise, abusing his power and ripping off the public in a variety of almost comically egregious ways:

•

He looted taxpayer funds to buy himself not only illicit sex but also cryptocurrency and Kobe Bryant memorabilia.

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He bribed a federal official to help him rip off a Covid relief program.

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He committed identity fraud with driver’s licenses he stole from his office.

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He hatched an elaborate plot to frame a political rival as a child molester, and posted racist rants from a fake social media account he opened in his rival’s name.

My POLITICO colleague Marc Caputo described Greenberg in a news story as “one of the most corrupt Florida politicians of all time,” a superlative akin to being one of the most shallow Kardashians or most racist Proud Boys. It would be inaccurate to call Greenberg pond scum, because he doesn’t live in a pond, but he did stash a paramour on the county payroll, run a cryptocurrency mining business on the public dime, and steal hundreds of thousands of dollars from taxpayers. He posed a typically thoughtful question to a collaborator in his Covid relief scam: “How quickly can I blow it all on [genitalia-based synecdoche for intimate female companionship]?”

Nevertheless, it seems that Greenberg won’t face the full consequences of his depravity because he’s willing to dime out a pal who happens to serve in Congress. He pled guilty to only six of the 33 charges he originally faced, and while it’s still unclear how long he’ll serve, he’ll clearly benefit from blabbing. Prosecutors often offer deals to little fish, even despicable little fish, to help them go after bigger fish. But based on what’s known so far, the only sense in which Gaetz is a bigger fish than Greenberg is that he has a more prominent job.

Trump haters are having fun watching Gaetz on the legal and political griddle, and he deserves to be there if Greenberg’s claims about him are accurate. But beyond the sugar daddies and schadenfreude, there’s an inconvenient truth about political prosecution at the heart of “Gaetzgate.” The Supreme Court has made it almost impossible to nail politicians on traditional corruption charges like bribery or “theft of honest services,” throwing out convictions of Alaska Sen. Ted Stevens, who let an oil executive pay to renovate his home, Virginia Gov. Bob McDonnell, who took cash from a vitamin executive, and even Louisiana Rep. William Jefferson, who was caught stashing $90,000 in bribe money for a Nigerian politician in his freezer. These days, prosecutors who want the scalps of politicians on their wall usually need to nail them for behavior unrelated to their official duties.

“It’s so hard to get a politician for theft of honest services, so they try to find something else to prosecute,” said legal analyst Katie Phang, a former Miami prosecutor. University of Michigan Law School professor Barbara McQuade, a former prosecutor who put Detroit Mayor Kwame Kilpatrick in jail before Trump commuted his sentence, calls this approach the “Al Capone theory,” a reference to the former mobster who was finally put away for tax evasion.

“The courts have really chipped away at traditional corruption prosecutions, so you might see a lot more of the Al Capone route,” McQuade said.

The irony of “Gaetzgate” is that even though modern politicians have to be flagrantly larcenous to get busted for corruption, Greenberg was brazen enough to qualify — and now he’s getting a lighter sentence for ratting out a friend who isn’t accused of corruption. It’s as if Capone got to cut a deal to take down an associate.

Welcome to POLITICO Nightly. Reach out with news, tips and ideas for us at mgrunwald@politico.com and rrayasam@politico.com, or on Twitter at @mikegrunwald and @renurayasam.

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WHAT'D I MISS?

— House Republicans plan rebellion over mask rules: A GOP-led revolt over masks is brewing inside the House as the Capitol wrestles with how and when to return to pre-pandemic routines. Rep. Brian Mast of Florida stood up during a GOP conference meeting this morning and told his colleagues that he’s “done” wearing masks and will refuse to wear them on the House floor going forward, even if it means being fined, according to multiple sources in the room.

— McCarthy announces opposition to Capitol riot commission: House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy announced his opposition to a bill that would establish a bipartisan commission to investigate the Jan. 6 Capitol insurrection — rejecting a proposal brokered in part by a member of his own conference.

Nightly video player of President Joe Biden in an electric Ford F-150 Lightning

— Biden touts America’s electric automotive future: Biden traveled to Michigan to drum up support for his plans to reorient the American economy toward a greener future , and to lavish praise on Ford Motor Co. as it shows off an electric version of its signature pickup truck, slated for next year. “We’re at a great inflection point in American history,” Biden said in Dearborn after touring Ford’s electric vehicle production facility. “How we handle the next four to 10 years is going to determine where we are going to be 30, 40, 50 years from now.”

— National money floods New York mayor’s race: Hedge fund billionaires, charter school boosters and prominent labor unions are pouring cash into the New York City mayor’s race — contributing to a record haul intended to shape the outcome of the election at the same time new reforms seek to limit the influence of money in politics. A decade after the U.S. Supreme Court flung open the doors to unlimited special-interest money in elections, the Democratic primary is being infiltrated at every turn, with an unprecedented $11 million already committed in TV ads, according to a POLITICO review of spending calculated by AdImpact.

 

SUBSCRIBE TO WEST WING PLAYBOOK: Add West Wing Playbook to keep up with the power players, latest policy developments and intriguing whispers percolating inside the West Wing and across the highest levels of the Cabinet. For buzzy nuggets and details you won't find anywhere else, subscribe today.

 
 
ASK THE AUDIENCE

Nightly asks you: CDC guidelines and the president say we can drop our masks if we’re vaxxed. But to Nightly editor Chris Suellentrop, the real sign of our pandemic spring was the return of self-service fountain drinks at his local Panera. What small change have you witnessed recently that surprised and delighted you? Send us your answer in our form, and we’ll include select responses in our Friday edition.

FROM THE HEALTH DESK

THE ROAD TO A ROE CHALLENGE — For anti-abortion advocates, this moment has been decades in the making. In the latest POLITICO Dispatch, health care reporter Alice Miranda Ollstein reports on how Republican lawmakers have been intentionally passing strict abortion laws for years that will spark lawsuits in an effort to get a case challenging Roe v. Wade before the high court.

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AROUND THE WORLD

PALESTINIANS GO ON STRIKE AS VIOLENCE CONTINUES — Palestinians across Israel and the occupied territories went on strike in a rare collective protest today as Israeli missiles toppled a building in Gaza and militants in the Hamas-ruled territory fired dozens of rockets that killed two people.

The demonstrations and ongoing violence came as moves toward a cease-fire appeared to be gaining more traction.

U.S. officials said the Biden administration was privately encouraging Israel to wind down its bombardment of Gaza. Egyptian negotiators also were working to halt the fighting, and while they have not made progress with Israel, they were optimistic international pressure would force it to the table, according to an Egyptian diplomat who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was discussing diplomatic efforts.

The general strike was a sign that the war could widen again after a spasm of communal violence in Israel and protests across the occupied West Bank last week.

 

JOIN WEDNESDAY - “THE RECAST” LIVE CONVERSATION: Earlier this year, we launched “The Recast” newsletter breaking down the changing power dynamics in America and how race and identity shape politics, policy and power. We are recasting how we report on this crucial intersection by bringing you fresh insights, scoops, dispatches from across the country and new voices that challenge “business as usual.” Join Brakkton Booker, “The Recast” newsletter author and national political correspondent at POLITICO, for a live conversation with Rep. Byron Donalds (R-Fla.); Malika Redmond, co-founder, president and CEO of Women Engaged; Sonal Shah, founding president, The Asian American Foundation; and Lauren Williams, co-founder, CEO and editor in chief of Capital B, about redefining power in America. REGISTER HERE.

 
 
NIGHTLY NUMBER

364-62

The vote count in the House today for a modest measure aimed at combating a surge in hate crimes directed at Asian Americans during the coronavirus pandemic, its final step before being signed into law.

PARTING WORDS

GARDEN STATE HOPES LANE CLOSED FOR CHRISTIE — An overwhelming majority of Chris Christie’s former New Jersey constituents think he would not make a good president , and just one in 10 say they’d like to see him run again, according to a Monmouth University poll released today.

The poll comes as Christie, a Republican who served two terms as governor of New Jersey, teases a 2024 presidential run through media appearances and allies’ anonymous leaks to the media, Matt Friedman writes.

“Christie left a lasting impression on the state. Nearly every New Jerseyan still has an opinion of him. The problem is those opinions tend to be fairly negative,” Patrick Murray, director of the Monmouth University Polling Institute, said in a statement that accompanied the poll results.

Christie ended his 2016 presidential run after finishing sixth in the New Hampshire primary. The amount of time he spent out of state while he sought the GOP nomination, along with the Bridgegate scandal, damaged the once-popular former governor’s reputation among residents of his home state.

The poll did find a sliver of good news for Christie: While he remains by far the least popular living former New Jersey governor, state residents feel somewhat more favorably toward him than they did three years ago, shortly after he left office.

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RSN: RSN: Mort Rosenblum | Eyeless in Gaza

 


 

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RSN: Mort Rosenblum | Eyeless in Gaza
A baby was pulled alive from under the rubble while seven other family members perished in an Israeli air strike at al-Shati Refugee Camp on 15 May. (photo: Mahmud Hams/AFP/Getty Images)
Mort Rosenblum, Reader Supported News
Rosenblum writes: "Some scenes you never forget. My memory just replayed one morning in Hebron, yet again, and I dug out a dispatch that the Associated Press had sent to newspapers and broadcasters around the world."

UCSON – Some scenes you never forget. My memory just replayed one morning in Hebron, yet again, and I dug out a dispatch that the Associated Press had sent to newspapers and broadcasters around the world. It began:

“At 9 a.m. sharp, the first sounds were young men hauling junk-metal barricades into place. Next came a fury of flying stones and insults. Then it was the Israelis’ turn. Troops burst from alleys, bellowing karate yells and brandishing M-16s. Mesh-plated jeeps screamed around corners. Some youths were pushed around and arrested. Most fled. Ten minutes later, dead calm.

“It was curfew time in Hebron, the ancient city of the patriarchs, which is the crux of Tuesday’s urgent White House summit aimed at heading off yet more Arab-Israeli war.”

That was in October 1996. Bill Clinton now watches offstage. Yasser Arafat is long gone. But Benjamin Netanyahu and Hamas are still at it. And Palestine today is pocked with thriving Jewish suburbs, “settlements” in an apartheid homeland.

Reality bit hard that morning in Hebron. After a three-hour daily reprieve to buy food, 94,000 Palestinians stayed inside by their radios as leaders at opposite extremes argued over their fate.

Behind iron grillwork, they watched young settlers saunter through town as if they owned it, eating cotton candy on their way to the tombs of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. Or for Muslims who also revere them, Ibrahim, Ishak and Yaakub.

“They look at us behind our bars like we are lions or monkeys in a zoo,” vegetable vendor Samir Saleb told me. He was less angry than sad. “The Jews walk by and laugh at us. And not only the Jews. The whole world is laughing at us.”

Yet again, all hell has broken loose in the Holy Land. Beyond headlines, the devil is in the details. Decades of broken promises, terrorist provocations, retaliation and colonization are leading toward an inevitable reckoning.

I call these reports “non-prophet” because journalists should avoid guessing about the future. But the message here is plain as writing on the wall. Unless Palestinians figure into the equation, Israel faces grave existential peril.

Growing virulent anti-Semitism, more political than religious, already extends far beyond the Middle East. In an America at war with itself, violence triggered by new hatreds seems bound to increase.

Right and wrong depend on one’s view of the last 5,000 years, particularly since 1947 when the outside world carved out boundaries for a Jewish state in what was British Palestine.

Invading Arab armies, vowing to drive Jews into the sea, retreated in humiliating routs. But over time the old clear-cut David and Goliath parallel got complicated. Today’s reality is what it is, despite anyone’s personal version of it.

“America is responsible,” an old man in a skullcap told me 25 years ago, expressing a thought I now hear with increasing frequency. “They are friends only to the Jews. If I kill you with a knife, who is at fault? You or the one who gave you the knife?”

Rashid Khalidi echoed the essence of that on NBC’s Meet the Press. Now director of the Middle East Institute at Columbia University, he has been a respected authority on Palestine since the 1970s. He blamed “malign neglect of core issues” by U.S. administrations over the 50 years. Barack Obama pressed Netanyahu to stop occupying the West Bank and to protect Palestinian rights within internationally recognized borders. But before leaving office, he signed off on a 10-year $38 billion military aid package to Israel.

Donald Trump abandoned all pretenses, pushed by his conservative Jewish donors, his feckless son-in-law and Republican evangelicals with a one-sided view of conflict in the unholy land. His hostility toward Iran fed a militia buildup on Israel’s borders.

Trump slashed the U.N. budget for schools, health facilities and infrastructure in Palestinian territory. His State Department took revenge on developing countries that refused to support U.S. policy toward Israel.

After a rapid influx during the Trump years, Jewish settlers in the West Bank approach half a million. Netanyahu is now moving in on the Muslim-dominated sector of Jerusalem.

In April, peace still had a slim chance. Elections were set to replace Mahmoud Abbas, the ineffectual Palestinian Authority president. Netanyahu was struggling to retain power after four rounds of voting, facing potential defeat and a corruption trial.

But Abbas postponed the election, and Gaza-based Hamas took de facto control. As embers smoldered, ultra-Zionists took pre-1947 deeds to the Supreme Court to evict Arabs from East Jerusalem homes. Judges waffled. A precedent could flood Jaffa, near Tel Aviv, with Palestinians holding title to oft-lamented orange groves.

The spark, Rashid Khalidi said, was when police fired stun grenades and rubber-tipped bullets at worshippers in El Aqsa Mosque, Islam’s third most important, during high holy prayers at the start of Ramadan. Their aim was to silence loudspeakers that might compete with Israel National Day ceremonies nearby.

Hamas weighed in with a hail of rockets. Israel’s “iron dome” deflected most, but some found victims. Israelis fled from packed beaches. Young toughs attacked Arabs, who fought back. Cars were set alight. And Netanyahu was back in control.

Air raids hammered Gaza. By late Sunday, close to 200 Palestinians were dead, including 50 children and 10 members of one family. Hamas rockets killed 10 Israelis. After only an hour’s warning, missiles leveled a 12-story building from where AP and Al Jazeera, among others, have covered the enclave for 15 years.

Spokesmen said the building housed a Hamas operations center. If so, AP’s reporters would have known. In any case, missiles could have hit specific offices and spared the rest. Some accuse Netanyahu of purposely flipping a finger at news media. My guess is that he wanted a dramatic act, confident he could weather the reaction.

So much was lost: notes for stories in the works, archives and contacts in computer banks, tools of an essential trade Netanyahu wants to suppress. It suits his followers if the outside world, like Samson in John Milton’s 1671 poem, are eyeless in Gaza.

In earlier days, Israel masked inconvenient truth but also protected its image abroad. Foreign and Israeli journalists had free rein to cover news firsthand, digging deep on their own. Before the internet, partisan propagandists had little reach.

When troops stormed southern Lebanon in 1982, Israel closed the border to all reporters. But when the Red Crescent released exaggerated casualty counts, I was able to persuade the army to let me across so AP could provide objective coverage.

For most Americans, it all comes down to a basic principle: Israel must defend itself. Which, of course, it must. The question is how – and to what degree. Heinous as the comparison is, collective punishment of innocents was what the Nazis did.

Hamas’ military wing no more represents Palestine than zealots who stormed the Capitol reflect America. Terrorists often shelter among hapless civilians. They’re terrorists. Retaliatory attacks that kill non-combatants swell their ranks.

Apartheid is no facile figure of speech. For instance, Israel’s response to Covid-19 was among the world’s best. But not in the West Bank or Gaza. Matthias Kennes, a Doctors Without Borders adviser, made the point in February: “In Israel, you’re 60 times more likely to have a Covid vaccine than in Palestine.”

Much of Israel’s media demonizes Palestinians with blatant lies. On Sunday, a deluge of reports said police suspected the men who firebombed a Jaffa home were actually Arabs who mistook it for a Jewish house. A little boy was horribly burned.

As it happens, Sylvana Foa lives nearby. She was a rock-solid UPI reporter since the Vietnam War and later chief spokesman at the United Nations. She messaged me what she found:

“What was left of the house was covered with Ramadan decorations – no way anyone could think it was Jewish. It was a very poor house, obvious even before the fire, one of the poorest in my part of Jaffa. The police were just trying to protect the Yudonazis (young toughs) by spreading the rumor.”

Many Americans praised the Abraham Accords, for which Trump demands a Nobel Prize. They opened Gulf states to Israeli tourists and entrepreneurs. They also condemned Palestinians to inferior status in a single state, provoking global outrage and sympathy.

Israel’s democracy, like America’s, is in turmoil, yet both still work. Joe Biden’s seasoned diplomats work to repair Trump’s damage, but shortsighted ideologues in Washington and Jerusalem hold firm.

Time is fast running out for Biden to get tough by imposing conditions on American aid and ending Washington’s unconditional U.N. support for Israel’s hard line. So far, his response has been so tepid that Netanyahu thanked him for his support.

After covering the region off and on since the 1967 war, I remember Fayaz Nasser, a sportswriter in Hebron who got to the heart of it 25 years ago. He had watched MPs haul away a young Israeli soldier who refused to enforce an unjust curfew.

“We must find a way to live together, side by side,” he said. “If we answer blood with more blood, where will we go? Why can’t we have Abraham for all?”



Mort Rosenblum has reported from seven continents as Associated Press special correspondent, edited the International Herald Tribune in Paris, and written 14 books on subjects ranging from global geopolitics to chocolate. He now runs MortReport.org.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.



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