Sunday, October 30, 2022

Warning: The dirty little secret of polls



  
OCT 13
Warning: The dirty little secret of polls
Three reasons to be skeptical

 ROBERT REICH   

Want some good news? With 27 days until Election Day, polling averages suggest Democrats could retain control of the Senate and even gain a few seats there, and are within sight of keeping the House.

Last week, the Cook Political Report, a nonpartisan election forecaster, shifted its forecast in 10 House races, seven of them in favor of Democrats. A day later, analysts at Sabato’s Crystal Ball, an election handicapper based at the University of Virginia, shifted six House seats, four favoring Democrats. 

"Democratic optimism grows in battle for House," read The Hill’s Mike Lillis' headline Tuesday morning. Lillis goes on to say: “With a month remaining before the midterm elections, House Democrats are in a position where few expected them to be even just a few months ago: competitive.

Meanwhile, the forecasters at FiveThirtyEight, tallying up the available evidence, put the chances that Democrats hold the Senate at seventy-one per cent.

But wait. There’s reason to doubt these optimistic numbers.

The debacle of 2016 election polls showing Hillary Clinton with a healthy lead, and the 2020 election polls overstating Biden’s lead over Trump, reveal a dirty little secret: Election polls overstate Democratic strength and understate Republican.

There are three reasons for this bias:

1. Republicans are less likely to respond to election polls. The pandemic understated Republican strength in 2020 because safety-conscious liberals were more likely to be home during lockdowns (and answer telephone calls) while conservatives went out and lived their lives. With lockdowns over, this bias may be over too.

But Trump Republicans are less likely to participate in election polls in the first place. Nate Cohn, The Times’s chief political analyst, found that in 2020, white Democrats were 20 percent likelier to respond to Times/Siena polls than white Republicans. Trump voters tend to be less educated, more anti-establishment, and therefore less likely to respond to polls. (In the poll Cohn is undertaking right now, only 0.4 percent of dials have yielded a completed interview.)

2. Election polls over-estimate the number of people who will be voting, and non-voters are much more likely to be or lean Democrat than are regular voters. People who rarely or never vote don’t like to admit this to pollsters (they don’t want to be thought of, and don’t want to think of themselves, as non-voters). But because non-voters are far more likely to lean Democrat and tell pollsters they favor a Democratic candidate, poll results exaggerate Democratic strength at the ballot box.

3. People who respond to election pollsters don’t want to admit their preferences for Trump. The vast majority of Trump voters lack a college degree. They believe that pollsters (as educated professionals) will disapprove of their support for Trump, so they don’t admit it. This happened in 2016 and again in 2020.

Trump isn’t on the midterm ballot, of course, but many Republican candidates who support him and his Big Lie are on the ballot (in fact, a majority of Republican candidates are election-deniers), so the effect is likely to be the same: understating Republican strength at the ballot box. (According to the Cato Institute’s own polling, 62 percent of Americans say they have political views they’re afraid to share. Many of them, presumably, support Trump and Trump election-deniers.)

I don’t mean to discourage you. Quite the opposite. With 27 days to go, many races could go either way. My point is you shouldn’t pay attention to the polls, and not become so confident that you stop phone banking, canvassing, contributing, and doing whatever else you can. Turnout is the critical variable. We must do everything humanly possible to get out the vote. 





Mike’s Midterm Tsunami Truth #29

 


Mike’s Midterm Tsunami Truth #29

They’ve Got Big Plans That We’ve Gotta Stop

(Photo by Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images)

On June 24th this summer, our Supreme Court — 67% White, 78% Catholic, 59% Men and 66% who don’t know what dry shampoo is — issued their religious edict forcing all women of childbearing age who hold a fertilized egg into a government mandated and enforced pregnancy, under penalty of law. The Court ran out of room on their parchment scroll to list what the exact penalties would be should a woman try to escape the 9-month incubation by removing the clump of cells, so they left it up to the profound wisdom of the states — like Texas, where successfully performing an abortion is now a first-degree felony, punishable by up to life in prison. We are not that far from women hanging on the wall off the Boston Common. To think otherwise shows one’s stupidly dangerous naïveté.

On that day in June, with a nation in shock — and a gender in revolt, the spoils of which will be revealed on spikes in 12 days — much was made of the clear and incoherent opinion issued by the 12th-century Vatican scholar Samuel Alito. But there was little attention paid to the concurring opinion by Justice Clarence Thomas who, like Alito, is a true believer in shoving vicious, never-uttered-by-Jesus Catholic ideology down the throats of America. 

On that day of infamy, Justice Thomas waxed poetically, wondering just how far the Christian Nationalists could take their Roe-killing decision.

According to Thomas, very far. 

Here’s what he wrote in his concurring opinion:

“We should reconsider all of this Court’s substantive due process precedents, including Griswold (which legalized Birth Control), Lawrence (which invalidated sodomy laws), and Obergefell (which legalized same-sex marriage). Because any substantive due process decision is “demonstrably erroneous,” we have a duty to “correct the error” established in those precedents. After overruling these demonstrably erroneous decisions…”

So, to translate Thomas’ plans, here’s what he’d like the Court to do:

Outlaw birth control.

Outlaw same-sex sex.

Outlaw same-sex marriage. 

The idea is to build on outlawing abortion, using the Court’s new rationale to expand their bans on other sexual behaviors they find to be deviant and against God’s will. 

But as we know, it’s usually the actual deviants, in their sick and twisted minds, who want to stop the “perverts” who use a diaphragm or a condom or an IUD, or any pill or device that grants women absolute control over their bodies. That, to them, is the ultimate crime.

And now they think they can get away with it because, well, they just did get away with it.

Thomas is not alone. His opinion was hailed by all forms of Republicans and right-wingers, and emboldened a swath of Republican lawmakers to publicly pledge their loyalty to this agenda.

In July, when the House Democrats, as the majority, put the “Respect for Marriage Act” — a bill that would repeal the “Defense of Marriage Act,” and prohibit states from discriminating against couples married in other states regardless of the couple’s “sex, race, ethnicity, or national origin” — up for a vote, 157 Republicans voted against it.

Democrats followed up a few days later with a vote for the “Right to Contraception Act” — a bill written to “protect a person’s ability to access contraceptives, to engage in contraception, and to protect a health care provider’s ability to provide contraceptives, contraception, and information related to contraception.

This time, only 8 Republicans crossed the partisan line to vote with the Democrats, 2 others abstained, and a whopping 195 Republicans voted against Americans having the right to buy, use, or even learn about condoms.

But, my friends, the fatal flaw in their agenda, the actual Achilles’ heel here, is that what they’re trying to attempt is actually something the vast majority of Americans oppose:

  • 71% of Americans support same-sex marriage.

  • 75% of Americans support access to birth control.

In fact, as the LA Times reported, Only four states — S. Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi and Arkansas — lack clear majority support for marriage equality, according to state-by-state surveys by the Public Religion Research Institute.”

As the “Respect for Marriage Act” sits and waits for its vote on the Senate floor after the Midterms, 5 Republican Senators have publicly stated their support, while 8 Republican Senators have clearly stated their opposition. For the rest, mums the word, as they try to “wait it out,” past the election, knowing the will of the majority of the American people stands in conflict with their base.

It’s clear though in the last couple weeks, that despite the actions of their colleagues in the House, the Senate Republicans have been told to tone down their rhetoric, that their anti-abortion stance is a losing proposition in this election.

One of the 5 Senators that has publicly stated his support for the “Respect for Marriage Act” is Ron Johnson who said that while he thinks the bill is unnecessary because he believes Obergefell will never fall, “should it come before the Senate, I see no reason to oppose it.” Why? Because he’s running in a hotly contested Senate race and he knows full well that 72% of Wisconsinites support marriage equality — including 58% of Wisconsin Republicans.

And that, my friends, is why they’re going to lose. Even Ron Johnson can see the writing on the wall.

Not just because of everybody reading this, but because everybody wants and needs birth control. Everybody wants to marry the person they’re in love with, regardless of their gender. And everyone wants and deserves their God-given right to have sex.



ICYMI:

Mike’s Midterm Tsunami of Truths:

Truth #1: The Campaign

Truth #2: Even a kid from 4th hour Trig class can beat this crowd

Truth #3: The Haters, the Bigots and the Supremacists Always Lose in the End

Truth #4: Introducing The Whackadoodle 10

Truth #5: Trump is not the Big Bad Wolf. But he is very afraid of You.

Truth #6: The Easy-to-Digest Republican Party Platform

Truth #7: Biden, Don’t F**k with Me

Truth #8: If you’re not registered, you can’t Roe, Roe, Roe the Vote!

Truth #9: Why will we win? Because the American people hate fascism.

Truth #10: Meet Blake Masters, Whackadoodle No. 9

Truth #11: 147 Reasons We Will Win on November 8th

Truth #12: Biden just gave us a boost and a toke.

Truth #13: Women. That’s it.

Truth #14: If the Mainstream Media Thinks There’s a Chance We May Be Right about Roevember, Watch Out.

Truth #15: Republican candidate for Governor of Pennsylvania, Whackadoodle No. 8

Truth #16: As Alex Jones has now been fined a billion dollars for his lies, that is nothing compared to the punishment other Republicans are going to get on November 8th.

Truth #17: Early Voting, Mail-in Voting, Dropbox Voting — These Were Made for Libs, Hard Workers, Book Readers, Artists, Busy Parents, Slackers, and Progressives like us! In other words, The Majority!

Truth #18: The Good Queen vs. The Mad King

Truth #19: A Workers' Revolt Extends to the Voting Booth

Truth #20: We Are in Charge

Truth #21: Don’t believe it.

Truth #22: If the election is about inflation and the economy, THANK GOD — We Win

Truth #23: We Believe in Science. And that’s why we will win.

Truth #24: Vote Local, Win National

Truth #25: The side with the best nursery rhymes wins.

Truth #26: We Will Win Because Americans Don’t Want to See This Happen...

Truth #27: We are going to win because our side has millions of good souls like this…

Truth #28: Whackadoodle No More




October 27, 2022 HEATHER COX RICHARDSON





October 28, 2022 HEATHER COX RICHARDSON

 







RSN: FOCUS: Vincent Bevins | Brazil's Democracy Is on the Brink and the Ballot


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Supporters of Luiz Inácio 'Lula' da Silva watch the results during the first round of the 2022 Brazilian elections out side of the CNN headquarters in Avenida Paulista, São Paulo. (hoto: Luis Corzo/Intelligencer)
FOCUS: Vincent Bevins | Brazil's Democracy Is on the Brink and the Ballot
Vincent Bevins, New York Magazine
Bevins writes: "Former president Luiz Inácio 'Lula' da Silva, on the verge of possible reelection in Brazil, has brought together a surprisingly broad coalition of contradictory forces united in a desperate attempt to preserve Brazilian democracy, fight extreme poverty, and establish basic protections for the Amazon rain forest."

ALSO SEE: Brazil's Presidential Election May Determine
the Fate of the Amazon Rainforest
— and the Entire Planet's Climate


Brazil’s Democracy Is on the Brink and the Ballot


Bolsonaro’s campaign has struggled, but he has laid the groundwork to reject defeat.

Former president Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva, on the verge of possible reelection in Brazil, has brought together a surprisingly broad coalition of contradictory forces united in a desperate attempt to preserve Brazilian democracy, fight extreme poverty, and establish basic protections for the Amazon rain forest. This Sunday, they hope to defeat the country’s extreme-right president, Jair Bolsonaro, in power since 2018, who trailed the Workers’ Party candidate by five points in the first round of voting on October 2. Bolsonaro has tried to close the gap since then even as he reverts to constant attacks on the electoral system in a campaign marked by frenetic violence, floods of fake news online, and fear of an outright coup.

With so much at stake, rivals have become allies. “When democracy is visibly at risk, what matters is not the particular program of any given candidate or which party you usually support,” insisted Marina Silva, the environmentalist who ran for president against the Partido dos Trabalhadores in 2014. She was speaking on Sunday alongside Geraldo Alckmin, the establishment politician who ran against Lula in 2006 — but is now his running mate — and Tabata Amaral, a popular young congresswoman with few fans on the left. The audience was predominantly white, wealthy Brazilians in the heart of São Paulo’s financial district — the kind of people that, as a class, mostly cheered along as the left-leaning PT was crushed by the 2016 impeachment of former president Dilma Rousseff and then again as Lula, the party’s co-founder, was imprisoned ahead of Bolsonaro’s election victory in 2018. Things are different now. “Businesspeople know that institutional stability and democratic politics are essential,” Silva continued. “If you want to preserve your liberty, the best way is democracy.” She received a standing ovation.

The PT’s base of support is still Brazil’s poorer non-white majority. But the problem, for the party and the rest of Brazil’s pro-democracy forces, is that a lot of regular people chose to vote for Bolsonaro and his allies earlier this month. Even if Lula sails to victory in Sunday’s runoff election, there will be a ferocious Bolsonarista bloc in Congress and in control of many state governments. If Bolsonaro wins — after billions in slush-fund spending throughout Brazil and battles with the country’s election officials — he could have his way with the country’s institutions.

“The risks to Brazilian democracy are very serious, for reasons which are both true in general and specific to our case,” explained Flávia Biroli, a political scientist at the University of Brasília. “First, we know that autocratic leaders given more than one mandate tend to destroy institutions from the inside. And here specifically, after first-round voting, we can already see that radical Bolsonarismo is here to stay.”

At its heart, Bolsonarismo is a violently anti-democratic force. The president is a former army captain who made his career praising the U.S.-backed military dictatorship that ended in the 1980s and famously said as a congressman that the regime did not kill enough people, that violence, not voting, was the only path to change, that it would be “fine” if tens of thousands of innocent people died in the process, and that the president should be executed.

In 2018, Lula was ahead in the polls until he was imprisoned by a judge, who soon after joined Bolsonaro’s government, on charges that Brazil’s Supreme Court later overturned.

As president, Bolsonaro has governed erratically and aggressively. During the pandemic, deaths soared as the economy shrank, and millions of children now find themselves without enough to eat. The chaos he unleashed led some of the country’s institutional elites to back away from him. But his movement also connected with diverse sectors of the population while in power. Bolsonarismo’s most loyal base, by far, is white men in the comfortable middle class, but he has also won support among Evangelical Christians; the country’s cowboy-settler class; the military, police, and their supporters; and, to a large extent, Brazil’s growing community of YouTubers, TikTok stars, and Instagram influencers.

“Bolsonaro did some good things for the country, but in reality, the Supreme Court wouldn’t let him govern,” Kleber Borges, a 44-year-old security guard, told me. Borges commutes 90 minutes twice a day between his job in São Paulo and his home in a poor suburb and says he will vote to reelect the president on Sunday. “What I am afraid of is the left letting crime get even worse and him siphoning off money and helping countries like Venezuela and Cuba.”

“Hold on,” he said, pulling out his phone. “Let me show you some videos of what Lula really plans to do.”

Jair Bolsonaro is often compared to Donald Trump, and not only because the Bolsonaros have actively cultivated the association. Though Bolsonaro comes from a much more coherent ideological tradition, his family has seemingly tried to import U.S. culture wars with varying levels of success. During the pandemic, Bolsonaro embraced anti-vaccine rhetoric — though a great many Brazilians got vaccinated anyway. This year, during an interview with Tucker Carlson, Bolsonaro sat stone-faced as the Fox News host called his opposition in Brazil a “coalition of billionaires, college professors, and CNN” — though elites had lined up behind Bolsonaro in 2018. And while trailing far behind in the polls over the past year, Bolsonaro has attacked the Brazilian voting system — though no one can point to any real problems with it. It has also become a common fear here in Brazil that Bolsonaro’s supporters will mount their own version of what happened in the U.S. on January 6, 2021, some kind of militant rejection of his possible loss that, in the South American context, could mean serious chaos or precede a concerted attempt to seize power.

Bolsonaro has always made it clear he would crush democracy if he had the means to do so. One reason many analysts suspect Lula has assembled such a broad political coalition is that he wants to bulletproof the democratic transition of power against a coup attempt. After the first round of voting, all of the other major candidates, along with the founder of the country’s right-libertarian NOVO party, lined up behind him.

The (North) Americanization of Brazilian politics has proceeded along other axes this year. To a novel extent, the campaign has been dominated by celebrity endorsements, media meta-discourse, and last-minute mudslinging on religious terrain. On the first front, the pro-Lula camp has managed to assemble pop stars like Anitta and Pablo Vittar, rapper Emicida, and foreign dignitaries like the Portuguese prime minister — and Sonic Youth. Bolsonarismo meanwhile counts on Gusttavo Lima and much of the rest of the country’s growing country-music scene as well as crypto-shilling soccer superstar Neymar. (Last week, during an appearance on Brazil’s Joe Rogan–esque Flow podcast, Lula implied that Bolsonaro had forgiven some of Neymar’s massive tax debt.)

The Bolsonaro family has also long insisted on arming the entire Brazilian population, USA-style. Last Sunday, voters got a shocking demonstration of what that looks like. Roberto Jefferson, a former congressman and longtime Bolsonaro family friend, unleashed his arsenal on police officers who had come to bring him in after he broke the terms of his house arrest by posting online messages attacking a Supreme Court justice. Two officers were injured during the standoff after Jefferson opened fire and threw a hand grenade at them.

Another violent scandal broke out on Thursday in Brazil’s most populous state. According to witnesses, plainclothes police officers working for gubernatorial candidate and Bolsonaro ally Tarcísio de Oliveira killed a man in a São Paulo favela. Then, a campaign staffer ordered a journalist to delete the evidence, and the candidate then tried to claim he had been attacked. The Bolsonaro family has been linked to paramilitary police mílicias, and right-wing fake-news campaigns have this month tried to associate Lula with organized crime. “I have covered a lot of campaigns,” said the cameraman who was told to erase his footage. “But I have never seen a candidate for governor working with people like that.”

During Lula’s two terms as president from 2003 to 2010, he oversaw an economic boom and the expansion of social services. Almost everybody in Brazil became better off in those years, and after tens of millions of people rose out of poverty, he left office with an approval rating of over 80 percent. This was the period when a so-called “pink tide” of left-leaning governments, buoyed by Chinese demand for their nations’ commodities, made advances across Latin America. Nothing symbolized the tide’s recession more than the waves of crises that hit Brazil — political, economic, and judicial — in the 2010s, threatening at one point to wash away the Workers’ Party once and for all. Now, with a new crop of left-leaning leaders in power in countries like Chile, Colombia, and Argentina, supporters see Lula’s return as both an attempt to finally stop the bleeding in Latin America’s largest country and a cathartic victory over the right-wing forces that used courts and chicanery to crush a popular movement.

As Bolsonaro’s campaign has continued to struggle, he has been laying the groundwork for a post-defeat narrative that his movement was stabbed in the back and the election stolen. He and his allies are already claiming that the vote-counting system is flawed, that over-stretched and hyperactive electoral authorities have engaged in censorship, and/or that his message is being suppressed on radio stations. Meanwhile, tens of millions of overstressed Brazilians watch the news anxiously, praying for a peaceful democratic transition over the next several weeks.

READ MORE

Ukraine Promises to Export More Grains to African CountriesUkrainian Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba speaks during a news conference. (photo: Kuba Stezycki/Reuters)

Ukraine Promises to Export More Grains to African Countries
Al Jazeera
Excerpt: "Ukraine's Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba has promised that his country will do all it can to send more grain to Africa as he began his African tour this week in Senegal."


“We will do our best until the last breath to continue exporting Ukrainian grain to Africa and the world for food security,” Kuleba said at a joint press briefing with his Senegalese counterpart, Aissata Tall Sall.

Senegal’s President Macky Sall, the current chairman of the African Union, has urged Russia and Ukraine to resume their grain exports despite the ongoing war.

Many African countries depend heavily on grain imports from Russia and Ukraine. Amid market shortages, Russia has sought to portray the West as the villain, blaming it for rising food prices.

Western leaders, meanwhile, have accused the Kremlin of cynically using food as a weapon and waging an imperial-style war of conquest.

So far, Africa has stayed somewhat neutral on Ukraine: some 25 African countries either voted to abstain or did not vote at all on the United Nations resolution that condemned the war in Ukraine earlier this year. Senegal was among those abstaining and its president told the UN General Assembly last month that Africa “does not want to be the breeding ground of a new Cold War”.

Despite these positions of neutrality, Ukraine’s foreign minister said he wants to deepen his country’s ties to Africa.

“I do not come to Africa against anyone,” Kuleba said Monday. “We must strengthen our cooperation. Our future depends on the relationships we build and what happens every day.”

The Ukrainian minister criticised Russia’s statements.

“The Senegalese may be surprised if they listen to Russian propaganda. Russia wanted to make believe that [the war is because] Ukraine wants to be a member of NATO. Finland wants to be a member. And yet Russia did not attack it,” he said.

“Russia also believes that we are one people. This is not true,” Kuleba said. “The language we speak is not the same. We have a different culture and a different people. If someone tries to impose a doctrine on you, you would reject it.”


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