Tuesday, February 16, 2021

The woman already fighting to unseat Lauren Boebert


 
 

 
Congresswoman Lauren Boebert -- who voted to overturn Biden's victory and tweeted about Nancy Pelosi's location during the insurrection on January 6 -- already has a 2022 opponent.
 
Kerry Donovan, a Colorado rancher, educator, and state senator promises to give Boebert a run for her (dark) money.
 
Donovan is already showing how she'd be a breath of fresh air compared to Boebert's QAnon agenda -- promising that she “cares more about getting results than getting headlines.” Where Boebert wanted to bring guns to the House floor, Donovan has proclaimed that “real toughness isn't something you wear on your hip. It's what you get done for people.”
 
We hope that Lauren Boebert will have only two years to wreak havoc on our legislature, but because of her sudden high profile, we know Republican money has already started pouring into this race. 

Thank you so much for standing with us today.
 
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POLITICO NIGHTLY: The Kanye Doctrine: No one president should have all that power

 


 
POLITICO Nightly logo

BY SAM STEIN

Presented by

With help from Renuka Rayasam

MONEY, POWER, RESPECT — The most thought-provoking quote of the Biden era was uttered months before his presidency began. In the heat of Amy Coney Barrett’s Supreme Court confirmation hearings, Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.) warned Republicans that the raw political power they were deploying would be reciprocated in due time.

“Don’t think when you have established the rule of ‘because we can,’ that should the shoe be on the other foot, you will have any credibility to come to us and say: ‘yeah, I know you can do that, but you shouldn’t,’” Whitehouse said.

Whitehouse’s warning was specific to issues of the courts. But he was also illuminating the fundamental question at the heart of most contemporary political debates: When should you flex your power simply because you can?

This is the question vexing Joe Biden and fellow Democrats. The president has taken an historic number of executive actions. He’s all but dispensed with bipartisan negotiations around a Covid relief bill. And he’s signaled that, on judges, he’ll utilize his powers to put his imprint on the courts. The result has been affection from the left, not necessarily for the content of the acts — but for the manner of execution.

“I think, yes,” Whitehouse told me, when I asked him if we are seeing the execution of the Because We Can™ doctrine. “There is a much stronger willingness than there was the last time we were in the majority to make sure the things Americans want and need are being addressed.”

But Whitehouse also conceded that some of his fellow Democrats are uncomfortable with the political power they wield. “There are some things that just because we could do, we still won’t do because they’re wrong,” he said. He added another caveat: “There are some things, because we can do, we probably should do, but we may not be able to get the necessary votes to do.”

Those “constraints,” as Whitehouse called them, have become more visible in recent days. Over the weekend, Democrats were given the chance to call witnesses for Donald Trump’s impeachment trial, only to quickly balk. They explained their reluctance as a matter of caution. They didn’t want the trial to derail Biden’s actual agenda.

But it’s not actually clear that calling witnesses would have done that. And the cost of that caution was not just the illumination of the historical record (important!) but the potential to inflict political pain on the opposition. To borrow Whitehouse’s cliché, if the shoe were on the other foot, would Republicans have made Democrats sit through a national re-airing of a horror show sparked by their leader? Um. Yes. Gleefully.

As for that Biden agenda, there too we are seeing circumspection. Biden has all but conceded he won’t get a $15-an-hour minimum wage hike in his Covid relief bill, citing a potential ruling from the Senate parliamentarian that it is non-germane to reconciliation rules.

At least one House Democrat has called such acquiescence to an unelected bureaucrat absurd. “I’ve never heard us put everything on the balance of what the Senate parliamentarian says,” said Rep. Mark Pocan (D-Wis.). But Biden’s team has shown no desire to overrule the parliamentarian, which hasn’t been done in four decades and would require a vote from the vice president and 50 Senate Democrats.

Why not? Well, there’s a host of reasons: reputational considerations, institutional prerogatives, and those oft-maligned norms. Caution is a component of the Democratic Party’s DNA. Some of its lawmakers simply don’t support a $15-an-hour minimum wage as law. Biden could call their bluffs. He could work their votes. But in this case at least, “because we can,” appears to be “perhaps we shouldn’t.”

For many Democrats, that’s fine. The president was elected in large part because he pledged not to be driven by Trumpian thirsts for power. Keeping that image intact matters. It’s why there currently is next to no momentum for eliminating the legislative filibuster.

But for others, the question is not if the party should optimize the powers it has, but, rather, when its members will realize the need to do so. Raising the minimum wage may not be the triggering cause, but is a voting rights bill? How about climate change legislation? Immigration reform?

“Someone unwilling to vote to get rid of the filibuster as an opening bid might very well change their mind if several good faith efforts on important issues are stymied by bad faith Republican obstruction,” said Whitehouse.

Welcome to POLITICO Nightly. A hopeful note: Major League Baseball pitchers and catchers report for work on Wednesday! See FanGraphs’ projections for your team’s chances of making the playoffs this season. (Renu’s Atlanta Braves seem in good position, and Sam’s Red Sox seem to have a shot. It might be a tough road for Myah Ward’s Nats, while Tyler Weyant’s Baltimore Orioles are making him check when football season begins.) Reach out with news and tips at sstein@politico.com and rrayasam@politico.com, or on Twitter at @samstein and @renurayasam.

 

A message from The ACLU:

The ACLU launches new Systemic Equality agenda: Since its founding, the fabric of American society has been woven with unjust, racist policies that harm Black and Indigenous people of color. We must address America’s legacy of racism and systemic discrimination. The ACLU is calling on the Biden administration and Congress to advance societal equity, close the racial wealth gap, and seek reconciliation for our past. Learn more.

 
FROM THE ENERGY DESK

The Texas Capitol is surrounded by snow in Austin, Texas. Historic cold weather in Texas has caused traffic delays and power outages, and storms have swept across 26 states with a mix of freezing temperatures and precipitation.

The Texas Capitol is surrounded by snow in Austin. Historic cold weather in Texas has caused traffic delays and power outages, and storms have swept across 26 states with a mix of freezing temperatures and precipitation. | Getty Images

WINTER PUMMELS THE TEXAS GRID — A massive power outage is reviving scrutiny of Texas’s independent power grid. Millions across the state were left without electricity after a winter storm dumped inches of snow and plunged temperatures to below freezing. This evening, about 3 million Texans were still without power as demand spiked and the cold and ice affected different energy sources.

In Texas, the grid’s failure is causing major political fallout. Some Republicans, especially those who ridiculed California’s rolling blackouts last summer, are falsely blaming renewables, saying frozen wind turbines were solely to blame for the energy shortfall. The reality is icy conditions also probably knocked natural gas plants offline and froze coal stores. State lawmakers are now planning to call a series of hearings to figure out what exactly went wrong. Did operators of the grid underestimate demand, artificially constrain supply to boost prices or fail to invest in maintenance? Today Republican Gov. Greg Abbott declared reform of the state’s independent energy grid an emergency item during this year’s legislative session. Another winter storm is expected to hit much of the state on Wednesday, and the grid’s operator said it could be days before power is restored.

Listen to an Austin resident who lost power on Sunday night, and energy reporters Anthony Adragna and Eric Wolff discussing the latest. And be sure to check out the full Morning Energy podcast Wednesday.

Play audio

The Texas blackouts, explained | POLITICO Energy

 

A MUST-READ ON CAPITOL HILL: Looking for the latest insight on the power dynamic in House GOP Leadership? Want to listen in on the whispers coming out of the Speaker's Lobby? Trying to understand what is really going on inside the cloakrooms? Olivia Beavers delivers the scoop in Huddle, our morning Capitol Hill must-read, with assists from POLITICO's deeply sourced Congress team that reveal the state of play in the House and Senate. Subscribe to Huddle today.

 
 
FIRST IN NIGHTLY

CALL ME (BACK) MAYBE — IRS phones are ringing off the hook even more than usual as tax filing season gets underway, but odds are slim — about 11-to-1 — that anyone’s answering, a frustration for taxpayers that’s sure to continue all year long, writes tax reporter Aaron Lorenzo.

The problem is that the IRS is still swamped with questions about last year’s tax returns, tax refunds, economic relief payments, tax credits and more, and none of the load is lightening. Added responsibilities from Congress, likely including a third round of direct coronavirus-relief payments to households and bigger and more frequent Child Tax Credit payments, are sure to generate even more calls to IRS phone lines, which are well known for notoriously long waits for callers even during normal times.

The IRS received 7.5 million more calls last month than in January 2020, a more than 300 percent increase in phone demand coming from individual taxpayers and tax professionals.

Separately, National Taxpayer Advocate Erin Collins, the IRS’s in-house watchdog, said that only about one out of 11 calls to the IRS was being answered.

 

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WHAT'D I MISS?

— Trump hits McConnell: The former president issued a caustic and highly personal statement against Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, effectively declaring war on the Kentucky Republican for failing to back his attempts to undermine the 2020 election. “Mitch is a dour, sullen, and unsmiling political hack, and if Republican Senators are going to stay with him, they will not win again,” Trump said in a statement released by his PAC.

— Foreclosure moratorium extended through June: The Biden administration announced it would extend the foreclosure moratorium and mortgage forbearance through the end of June. The actions would block home foreclosures and offer delayed mortgage payments until July, as well as offer six months of additional mortgage forbearance for those who enroll on or before June 30.

— Perdue “leaning heavily” toward 2022 run in Ga.: David Perdue, the former Republican senator from Georgia who lost in the state runoffs last month, filed paperwork to run again in 2022 but has not yet made a final decision on whether to launch another campaign, according to two advisers. (Democratic Sen. Raphael Warnock’s term is up in 2022.)

— White House backs independent riot panel: Press secretary Jen Psaki said Biden would back efforts to establish a review of the January insurrection akin to the 9/11 Commission. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi on Monday said that she would move quickly to set up such a panel in order for Congress to “get to the truth” of the deadly, chaotic events. Today Psaki indicated Biden would sign legislation to that effect.

— Hoyer previews “bipartisan” earmarks comeback: House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer privately told Democrats today that earmarks will be revived this Congress and that he can “guarantee” the effort “will be bipartisan,” according to two people on the call.

— 2024 moon goal in jeopardy: NASA is reviewing the Trump administration’s plan to return American astronauts to the moon by 2024 and will decide in the next few months whether the first three missions scheduled for the Artemis program will be delayed.

 

GET TRANSITION PLAYBOOK TO 100K: In three months, our scoop-filled Transition Playbook newsletter has grown from zero to more than 90,000 subscribers. Find out what’s really happening inside the West Wing, who really has the ear of the president, and what’s about to happen, before it occurs. Transition Playbook chronicles the people, policies, and emerging power centers of the Biden administration. Don’t miss out, subscribe today. And once you do, we’d be grateful if you could spread the word to your friends and colleagues, or, even better, post about Transition Playbook on Facebook or Twitter using this link: politico.com/newsletters/transition-playbook

 
 
FROM THE HEALTH DESK

STRIVING TOWARD THE PROMISE LAND — Biden promised to “follow the science” throughout his campaign. In the latest POLITICO Dispatch, health care reporter and Pulse author Adam Cancryn reports that a month into his presidency, Biden is learning the hard way that — from school reopenings to wearing masks — politics and science don’t always mesh.

Play audio

Listen to the latest POLITICO Dispatch podcast

THE GLOBAL FIGHT

TO SPEAK OR NOT TO SPEAK — Biden is expected to speak in the coming days with 85-year-old King Salman, the official ruler of Saudi Arabia. That begs the question: Will Biden ever talk to the guy who actually runs the country?

Whether and how to engage that powerful figure, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, is among the thorniest diplomatic dilemmas facing Biden and his aides, one that exemplifies how hard it will be to keep their promises to promote both human rights and America’s national interest on the world stage, foreign affairs correspondent Nahal Toosi writes.

The de facto Saudi leader, whose titles include defense minister, is scorned in much of Washington due to his role in the Yemen war, his crackdowns on perceived political enemies — and his alleged ordering of the killing of Washington Post contributor Jamal Khashoggi. Many human rights activists want the U.S. to impose economic sanctions on him, a movement that may gain steam if the Biden team keeps its promise to release a long-secret report on the Khashoggi killing.

Crown Prince Mohammed’s central role was a reality accepted by Trump, who, citing U.S. arms sales to the Saudis, embraced the crown prince even after Khashoggi murder, shielding him from sanctions and other punishment. Given that the crown prince is only in his mid-30s, he’s arguably the very future of Saudi Arabia itself.

NIGHTLY NUMBER

56 percent

The share of state respondents in a Feb. 7-11 Siena College poll who viewed New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo favorably. The poll was conducted after the Jan. 28 release of Attorney General Tish James’ report but before a New York Post story detailing Cuomo’s refusal to release nursing home death numbers. The poll also found 39 percent view him unfavorably. That’s basically the same as the 57-39 he received in January and 56-39 he received in November.

PARTING WORDS

Nightly video player of interview with director Cathy Yan

COMING TO A COUCH NEAR YOU — Cathy Yan got her big break at the Sundance Film Festival in 2018. Her indie feature, “Dead Pigs,” caught the eye of executives at Warner Bros. who picked her to direct “Birds of Prey,” a superhero movie about DC Comics’ character Harley Quinn in the aftermath of her break up with the Joker. With “Birds of Prey,” Yan became the second woman and first Asian American woman to ever direct a superhero movie. The $82 million, boisterous, glitter-filled film was 2020’s highest grossing movie directed by a female.

But, Yan told Nightly, the pandemic has shut off those kinds of opportunities for emerging filmmakers. It’s harder to get discovered at a virtual film festival. Plus most indie films don’t have the budgets to test every one on set and comply with other Covid safety protocols. “My impression is that there just hasn’t been a lot of indie features getting made,” Yan said.

The pandemic has scrambled movie making in other ways too. Writers have to gauge viewers’ appetites to see people social distancing and wearing masks. Directors have to figure out how to connect with actors behind face shields. Then, of course, because fewer people are going to theaters, distributors have to reevaluate their plans for streaming.

But for Yan, there’s been one bright spot to the pandemic: “Dead Pigs" finally found a home for global release. It was released on Friday on streaming platform MUBI. Not having to worry about a theatrical release gave Yan a lot more options for the film. Inspired by a real life incident where more than 16,000 dead pigs were found in the Huangpu River, the film weaves together the stories of several characters in Shanghai. Yan told Nightly that while it was made four years ago, it foreshadows today’s pandemic world.

“My fascination was with this idea of a network effect,” Yan said. “It really hit home during the pandemic how much we are really interconnected — that a phenomenon in China can affect us and our lives so much and for so long.”

Watch Yan talk about how the pandemic has affected movie making and female directors and whether Hollywood accurately represents the country.

 

A message from The ACLU:

Systemic Equality = Freedom and justice for all

The ACLU is calling on the Biden administration and Congress to advance societal equity, close the racial wealth gap, and seek reconciliation for our nation’s racist past.

People of color, especially Black people, continue to endure systemic exclusion and discrimination – over 150 years after the abolition of slavery.

Systems of oppression have been codified on the federal and state level, leaving generations of Black communities underrepresented in the policy decisions and legislation that has a direct impact on their communities – housing, voting, hiring, education, banking, technology and more.

The long-standing damage caused by systemic injustice is unmistakable, as Black Americans endure violence and death at the hands of the state, while disproportionately bearing the economic, financial, and community burdens of COVID-19. It’s time for a new racial justice agenda.

Learn about the ACLU's Systemic Equality agenda here.

 

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RSN: FOCUS: Eugene Debs | Why We Have Outgrown the United States Constitution

  

Reader Supported News
16 February 21


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FOCUS: Eugene Debs | Why We Have Outgrown the United States Constitution
Eugene Debs in 1912. (photo: Library of Congress)
Eugene Debs, Jacobin
Debs writes: "In a 1911 article, legendary socialist Eugene Debs excoriated the US Constitution as an 'autocratic and reactionary document' written by aristocrats and 'in every sense a denial of democracy.'"

To mark Presidents’ Day, we reprint the fiery essay here in full.


he convention of 1787, held in Philadelphia, which framed the Constitution of the United States and adopted that instrument on September 17 of that year, consisted exclusively of what [Alexander] Hamilton, one of its dominating spirits, called “the wealthy, the well-born, and the great.” There was no workingman present to degrade its councils. Labor was held in contempt, unfit to have a seat among the aristocrats who composed that body and controlled its deliberations.

Neither was there a woman among the delegates to ruffle the dignity of the grave and revered “fathers of the Constitution.” It was a place for the wise and mighty, and for powdered wigs, velvet knee breeches, silk stockings, and silver shoe buckles.

The democratic spirit so defiantly expressed in the Declaration of Independence, and which had sustained the patriots during the dark days of the Revolutionary War, had largely subsided, and nothing was further from the purpose of the delegates than that the government they had met to establish should be controlled by the people. As professor J. Allan Smith remarks in his Spirit of American Government:

It is difficult to understand how anyone who has read the proceedings of the Federal convention can believe that it was the intention of that body to establish a democratic government. The evidence is overwhelming that the men who sat in that convention had no faith in the wisdom or political capacity of the people.

The Constitution itself furnishes sufficient evidence of that fact. It is not in any sense a democratic instrument, but in every sense a denial of democracy. The Declaration of Independence had been democratic and revolutionary; the Constitution, however, was autocratic and reactionary.

Only six of the fifty-six signers of the declaration had a hand in framing the Constitution. Patrick Henry, Thomas Paine, Thomas Jefferson, and Samuel Adams were not in the convention. Jefferson bitterly opposed the Constitution as finally adopted, and Henry openly denounced it.

Woodrow Wilson was right in declaring that the government was established “upon the initiative and primarily in the interest of the mercantile and wealthy classes,” and that “it had been urged to adoption by a minority, under the concerted and aggressive leadership of able men representing the ruling class” — and he struck the keynote of the Constitution when he said that the convention that framed it was backed “by the conscious solidarity of material interest.”

There is not the slightest doubt that the Constitution established the rule of property; that it was imposed upon the people by the minority ruling class of a century and a quarter ago for the express purpose of keeping the propertyless majority in slavish subjection, while at the same time assuring them that under its benign provisions the people were to be free to govern themselves.

A democracy in name and form — a despotism in substance and fact!

And this stupendous delusion has not yet lost its magic power upon the people, a great majority of whom still believe, in their mental childhood, that the “Constitution of the fathers” established democratic rule, and that we are a free and self-governing people.

Admitting for the moment all that its most zealous devotees claim for the Constitution as an “inspired instrument,” that it embodies all the wisdom and statesmanship of the age in which it was written, the fact still remains that it is now antiquated and outgrown, and utterly unsuited to the conditions and inadequate to the requirements of the present day. So palpably is this fact in evidence that we see the Supreme Court, the specially constituted authority to construe the provisions of the Constitution and preserve inviolate its reputed integrity, ride roughshod over the “inspired instrument” and by judicial interpretation make it serve, as it has from the beginning, the class in power. And to accomplish this essential service under capitalist class government, the Supreme Court contemptuously ignores and defies the sacred “Constitution of the fathers” by boldly usurping the power not only to construe it absolutely to suit themselves and serve the ends of the ruling class, but by deliberately invading the domain of the legislative, virtually destroying a coordinate branch of the government created under the Constitution, and annulling, wiping out utterly, laws enacted by the elected representatives of the people.

Constitutions, like the times and conditions in which they originate, are subject to the everlasting laws of change. Evolution is no more a respecter of a Constitution than it is of those who make it.

In 1787, when the Constitution was adopted, the population was about 3 million, and agriculture and mercantile interests dominated the colonial life. Today the population is 100 million, and capitalized industry controls the government and shapes the national destiny.

There has been a complete revolution in the methods of producing, distributing, and exchanging wealth, the essential means of life, and a corresponding revolution in the industrial and social life of the people. The ruling class of the colonial era has vanished as a class as completely as have those who composed it. And the Constitution they adopted is just as completely out of date as would be its makers, if by some magic they could appear upon the present scene. In their day, the ruling class consisted of small landowners, petty merchants and traders, and professional persons who made up what was known as the “official class.”

The actual workers and producers were still in a state of semi-feudal servility, an inferior element, and practically without voice in the affairs of government. But there were no hard and fast lines between the classes of that day, nor any sharp antagonisms to bring them into violent collision and to array them against each other in hostile conflict.

In the century and a quarter since elapsed, there has been an overwhelming industrial and social transformation. The weak and primitive agricultural colonies of that time have become a vast and powerful industrial nation. There is now a sharply defined capitalist class and an equally sharply defined working class. The struggle between these modern industrial classes is growing steadily more intense and reshaping and remolding the entire governmental structure and social organism.

Political government has had to give way to industrial administration, and the old forms, including the Constitution, are now practically obsolete. Political government, its constitutions and its statutes, its courts, its legislatures, and its armies, scientifically considered, are institutions under class rule, expressly designed to establish the supremacy of one class and enforce the subjugation of another class. With the end of class rule, political government will cease to exist. Its functions, which are essentially coercive, will no longer be required.

With the overthrow of the capitalist class and the installation of the working class in power (which must be the inevitable outcome of the present struggle), the government of political states will be superseded by the administration of national industries.

In discussing the United States government and the Constitution, Professor J. Allen Smith, already quoted, correctly concludes that “this complex system of restrictions which is the outgrowth and expression of a class struggle for the control of the government must necessarily disappear when the supremacy of the people is finally established.” The present Constitution was not designed to establish but to prevent the supremacy of the people. It is outgrown, obsolete, dead. Industrial and social development are not halted by it, but these forces sweep past it with scant regard for its ancient and musty respectability.

Politicians and legislators are today the representatives, not of the people, but of the trustified capitalist class. The government is essentially capitalistic, as is also, of course, the Constitution to the extent that it is still vital and has any binding effect at all.

The working class is now the rising class and will soon be the triumphant class, and then the capitalist state will be superseded by the working class commonwealth, and industrial despotism by industrial democracy.

The old Constitution will have its place in history and will serve its purpose in the study of governmental evolution and class rule, and among the inspired relics of a past age. It is a class instrument, inspired by class interests, and will survive only to mark a historic epoch in class rule.

The new Constitution will not be framed by ruling-class lawyers and politicians, but by the bona fide representatives of the working class, who in the day of their triumph will be the people in the complete sense of that magnificent and much maligned term.

And the representatives of the working class will consist of women as well as men, sharing equally the rights and duties, the privileges and opportunities of the councils of state, and they will smile indeed as they look over with pitying toleration the “Constitution of the fathers” and recall the convention in secret session that framed, in blissful ignorance that toilers and producers were citizens, and that women are also included in the people.

The new Constitution will be framed by an emancipated working class with the sold object of establishing self-government, true democracy, conserving the freedom and security and promoting the happiness and well-being of every man, woman, and child.


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RSN: FOCUS: Robert Reich | Convicted or Not, Trump Is History - It's Biden Who's Changing America

 

 

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16 February 21


Why I Am Uncompromising on Funding

The stakes are high. We can have a powerful, influential publication — that serves the community or we can have nothing. It's a thin line. "We the community" often get less, because we accept less. Enough of that. Watch us fight, you fight too. Step up with what you can afford, watch what we do with it.

In peace and solidarity.

Marc Ash
Founder, Reader Supported News

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Reader Supported News
16 February 21

It's Live on the HomePage Now:
Reader Supported News


NOTICE ON FUNDRAISING — We are still well short of completing this month's RSN funding drive. We are roughly 15% of the way. By comparison we are , on average typically at 30% by now. The donations this time are far fewer and far smaller. For those of you that are active donors we thank you, and ask your patience as we make the case to those who are not yet donors to join us. We would ask everyone to consider going forward the many benefits of shorter funding drives. Sincere thanks to all. / Marc Ash, Founder Reader Supported News

Sure, I'll make a donation!


FOCUS: Robert Reich | Convicted or Not, Trump Is History - It's Biden Who's Changing America
Former Clinton labor secretary Robert Reich. (photo: Steve Russell/Toronto Star)
Robert Reich, Guardian UK
Reich writes: "While most of official Washington has been focused on the Senate impeachment trial, another part of Washington is preparing the most far-ranging changes in American social policy in a generation."

Republican infighting has created a political void into which Democrats are stepping with far-reaching reforms

Congress is moving ahead with Joe Biden’s American Rescue Plan, which expands healthcare and unemployment benefits and contains one of the most ambitious efforts to reduce child poverty since the New Deal. Right behind it is Biden’s plan for infrastructure and jobs.

The juxtaposition of Trump’s impeachment trial and Biden’s ambitious plans is no coincidence.

Trump has left Republicans badly fractured and on the defensive. The party is imploding. Since the Capitol attack on 6 January, growing numbers of voters have deserted it. State and county committees are becoming wackier by the day. Big business no longer has a home in the crackpot GOP.

This political void is allowing Biden and the Democrats, who control the White House and both houses of Congress, to respond boldly to the largest social and economic crisis since the Great Depression.

Importantly, they are now free to disregard conservative canards that have hobbled America’s ability to respond to public needs ever since Ronald Reagan convinced the nation big government was the problem.

The first is the supposed omnipresent danger of inflation and the accompanying worry that public spending can easily overheat the economy.

Rubbish. Inflation hasn’t reared its head in years, not even during the roaring job market of 2018 and 2019. “Overheating” may no longer even be a problem for globalized, high-tech economies whose goods and services are so easily replaceable.

Biden’s ambitious plans are worth the small risk, in any event. If you hadn’t noticed, the American economy is becoming more unequal by the day. Bringing it to a boil may be the only way to lift the wages of the bottom half. The hope is that record low interest rates and vast public spending generate enough demand that employers will need to raise wages to find the workers they need.

A few Democratic economists who should know better are sounding the false alarm about inflation, but Biden is wisely ignoring them. So should Democrats in Congress.

Another conservative bromide is that a larger national debt crowds out private investment and slows growth. This view hamstrung the Clinton and Obama administrations as deficit hawks warned against public spending unaccompanied by tax increases to pay for it. (I still have some old injuries inflicted by those hawks.)

Fortunately, Biden isn’t buying this, either.

Four decades of chronic underemployment and stagnant wages have shown how important public spending is for sustained growth. Not incidentally, growth reduces the debt as a share of the overall economy. The real danger is the opposite: fiscal austerity shrinks economies and causes national debts to grow in proportion.

The third canard is that generous safety nets discourage work.

Democratic presidents from Franklin D Roosevelt to Lyndon Johnson sought to alleviate poverty and economic insecurity with broad-based relief. But after Reagan tied public assistance to racism – deriding single-mother “welfare queens” – conservatives began demanding stringent work requirements so that only the “truly deserving” received help. Bill Clinton and Barack Obama acquiesced to this nonsense.

Not Biden. His proposal would not only expand jobless benefits but also provide assistance to parents who are not working, thereby extending relief to 27 million children, including about half of all Black and Latino children. Republican senator Mitt Romney of Utah has put forward a similar plan.

This is just common sense. Tens of millions are hurting. A record number of American children are impoverished, according to the most recent census data.

The pandemic has also caused a large number of women to drop out of the labor force in order to care for children. With financial help, some will be able to pay for childcare and move back into paid work. After Canada enacted a national child allowance in 2006, employment rates for mothers increased. A decade later, when Canada increased its annual child allowance, its economy added jobs.

It’s still unclear exactly what form Biden’s final plans will take as they work their way through Congress. He has razor-thin majorities in both chambers. In addition, most of his proposals are designed for the current emergency; they would need to be made permanent.

But the stars are now better aligned for fundamental reform than they have been since Reagan.

It’s no small irony that a half-century after Reagan persuaded Americans big government was the problem, Trump’s demise is finally liberating America from Reaganism – and letting the richest nation on earth give its people the social support they desperately need.

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