Monday, March 29, 2021

RSN: Barbara Koeppel | Should I Join the Union?

 


 

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29 March 21

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RSN: Barbara Koeppel | Should I Join the Union?
A rally on Friday in support of the Amazon workers outside the Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union's building in Birmingham, Ala. (photo: Charity Rachelle/NYT)
Barbara Koeppel, Reader Supported News
Koeppel writes: "To join a union or not to join, the question is hot."


 bevy of Democrats — most notably Senator Bernie Sanders — traveled to Bessemer, Alabama, to boost the Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union’s (RWDSU) battle to organize the Amazon warehouse. President Joe Biden weighed in: “Every worker should have a free and fair choice to join a union.” Even Florida senator Marco Rubio said he supports “those at Amazon’s Bessemer warehouse” — though most Republicans, such as Alabama senator Tommy Tuberville, are tenaciously opposed.

Amazon and the RWDSU are locked in combat that will end when the workers’ vote is tallied on Monday, March 29. The fight is particularly fraught, since Amazon is owned by Jeff Bezos, the world’s richest man, who has made $58 billion since the pandemic began a year ago. Many wonder why he is so hostile to sharing even a fraction of the wealth.

In fact, the stakes are huge and extend far beyond Bessemer — because Amazon’s only unionized warehouses are in France, Italy, Spain and Germany; in the U.S., the company’s 110 facilities are union-free. If the RWDSU wins in fiercely anti-union, right-to-work Alabama, who knows what’s next?

Thus, Amazon has plastered anti-union signs throughout the Bessemer warehouse — even in bathrooms — and holds daily meetings that workers must attend. Here, company managers warn workers that if they join, they’ll lose their current $15.30 an hour wage and various benefits. Worse, they’ll need to pay union dues. For low-wage workers, these are frightening possibilities.

But neither is true. Historically, new union contracts get at least the current wage and benefits package; also, workers aren’t legally required to pay dues in right-to-work states (Alabama is one of 28).

Since the 1980s, companies have beaten back organizing drives across the U.S., threatening to close if unions win (in fact, they often do, regardless of the outcome, seeking lower-paid workers abroad). At Harvest Select, a catfish de-boning plant in Selma, Alabama, workers earn about $8.50 an hour. When the RWDSU tried to organize the plant, the owners frightened their workers so successfully — insisting they’d shut the plant if the union won — that the RWDSU couldn’t even get one-third of the employees to sign the cards needed to hold elections.

Indeed, union battles have been waged and lost for decades. The United Auto Workers (UAW) tried to unionize a Nissan plant in Mississippi, a Volkswagen plant in Tennessee, a Toyota plant in Kentucky, and a Mercedes Benz plant in Alabama. The United Electrical Workers (UE) tried to organize Westinghouse and General Electric factories in Florida, South Carolina, and North Carolina. All failed.

So the question is, why should the Amazon workers join? Successes are few, but the answers are compelling, and some examples are useful.

This past fall, the National Nurses United (NNU) won its organizing drive at the for-profit Health Care of America hospital in Asheville, North Carolina; HCA is the biggest private hospital chain in the U.S., with 150 hospitals nation-wide. Earlier, NNU also won at 17 HCA hospitals in Florida and Texas.

Bradley Van Waus, NNU’s southern region director, says a key issue for the nurses — as with workers everywhere — is job security. In the past, if nurses complained about work-place problems, they could be disciplined or fired. With the union contract, this can’t happen.

Further, they can now weigh in on the crucial question of nurse-to-patient ratios, which directly affects patients’ health. Van Waus says “in some HCA hospitals, nurses were required to care for seven or even nine patients. The biggest problem was on intensive care units, where they might even have been responsible for three or four patients — although the standard is usually one nurse for every two patients. Now, under the union contract, the nurses were able to create committees that HCA must consult if they want to change the ratio.”

The changes go far beyond staffing. For example, wage rates are no longer arbitrary. Before, the hospital developed its pay scales on an ad hoc basis. Now, the hospital must set wages based on nurses’ experience and years worked. Van Waus says this has a far-ranging impact since nearby non-union hospitals must meet HCA’s wages and benefits in order to compete. “When we’re at the bargaining table with the hospital managers, we’re actually representing thousands of non-union nurses,” he says.

The committees also weigh in on issues of technology and equipment. “At the Central Florida Hospital in Sanford, one unit didn’t have an icemaker. So nurses had to go to another unit each time they needed to get ice for their patients’ drinks. The committee met, heard the complaint, and alerted the hospital management, which bought one,” he says.

Further, nurses were often sent to work on hospital units although they hadn’t been trained in that particular specialty. Now they must be trained.

Van Waus says the union has been even more important during the pandemic. At non-union hospitals, when nurses have become ill, they’ve lost wages if they needed more sick leave than the hospital thought necessary. “It’s shocking, but many of them even told nurses to return to work or be fired — even before they tested negative for the virus. But at hospitals with the NNU, nurses have stayed out until they’ve recuperated.”

The nurses’ access to PPE (protective equipment) is also critical. “It’s a matter of life and death. In many hospitals, nurses must use the same mask for an entire day — when these should be thrown out and replaced after they treat each patient. In NNU hospitals, our nurses refused, advocated for more PPE, and got them,” says Van Waus.

Further, nurses at NNU hospitals are better able to handle violence. “Nurses get hit a lot by confused patients or unhappy family members. To correct this, our contract requires that they be trained on how to prevent and safely handle aggressive behavior.”

The UFCW win at Smithfield Foods

The United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) scored a win at Smithfield’s meatpacking plant in Tar Heel, North Carolina, in 2008 — although it took 15 years to make it happen.

Gene Bruskin, who ran the organizing campaign, says “job security was also a critical issue for the meatpackers because the plant is in a rural area where there are few jobs. Although Smithfield’s wages were low, it still paid more than those at a non-union chicken processing plant in Mt. Aire, five miles away. With so many workers available, there was constant turnover and employees were fired for no reason. It happened all the time.”

To help balance Smithfield’s power, the union contract offers a legally binding grievance procedure: if a worker and supervisor have a dispute, the union shop steward represents the employee. If they don’t reach an agreement, the grievance goes to a neutral arbitrator.

In fact, job security cuts across all workplaces. As a New York Times reporter told me, “I’ve always worked in a union shop. This means I can’t be fired without cause. Otherwise, I can be told to take my things and leave, full stop. With the union, this can’t happen.”

The Smithfield contract also guarantees benefits — such as vacations, paid sick leave, and health insurance. Before, the number of vacation days was solely management’s decision. Under the contract, the number is specified, based on the years employees have worked. Also, medical benefits have improved. Bruskin says, “This is critical, since employees work on fast-moving assembly lines with very sharp tools — and often get injured. Further, health insurance costs were lowered. Today, a worker with a family of four pays $120 a month for health insurance and Smithfield picks up the difference. In addition, the contract provides a dental plan, which the workers never had.”

The contract also guaranteed that a health and safety committee, composed of union representatives and managers, would be created. A critical task is to check the speed of the assembly line, which Smithfield completely controlled in the past. “Now,” says Bruskin, “when a worker complains that the speed seems to have been increased, the union representatives can go inside the plant and measure it. If it did escalate — which is very dangerous — we get it reduced.”



Barbara Koeppel is a Washington DC-based investigative reporter who covers social, economic, military, political, foreign policy and whistleblower issues.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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POLITICO NIGHTLY: How the 50-50 Senate was lost



 
POLITICO Nightly logo

BY ELANA SCHOR

Presented by PL+US and Paid Leave For All

With help from Renuka Rayasam

‘A FOURTH SURGE’? Debbie Lai, chief operating officer of Covid Act Now , told Nightly’s Renuka Rayasam that the country’s Covid trajectory is deteriorating: “There may be a fourth surge underway, with cases now growing in two-thirds of states versus half before the weekend.” The number of new cases jumped by 11 percent over the past week to a seven-day average of about 60,000 daily cases, according to an interagency memo dated March 29 and obtained by POLITICO.

HISTORY LESSON — With the Senate divided 50-50 and the majority party struggling to get all of its own members behind essential parts of its agenda, the leaders of the upper chamber tried to harness the obscure power of the Congressional Budget Act to muscle through multiple proposals without having to worry about a filibuster by the minority. But the Senate parliamentarian, its nonpartisan rules referee, said no to the majority party’s gambit — aggravating powerful lawmakers.

That sounds like a summary of Democrats’ headaches this year. But in fact I just recapped the spring of 2001, when then-parliamentarian Robert Dove lost his job. The cause, according to reports at the time: GOP leaders’ frustration with his rulings to limit the scope of bills they could pass under reconciliation.

Despite some liberals’ agitation to fire the current parliamentarian, Elizabeth MacDonough, she’s unlikely to suffer the same fate. Looking back 20 years helps explain why that’s true.

The Senate was split 50-50 when Dove got shown the door, with Republicans holding the same narrow control of the chamber that Democrats do today. Republicans got rid of Dove after he ruled against them on a proposal to give appropriators a $5 billion fund for natural disasters using reconciliation (“That’s not how the budget process works,” he told Georgetown Law School in 2010). But he had also rankled the GOP majority by telling them that reconciliation rules allowed them to pass only one tax bill during that budget year.

This year’s Democratic majority is asking MacDonough to let them use the same budget resolution to pass an extra reconciliation measure — a different interpretation of budget law, but one that might strike her as just as much of a stretch.

If MacDonough gives Democrats the sort of leeway now that Dove didn’t give Republicans in 2001, President Joe Biden’s party has a shot at passing at least three more major bills without the need for Senate GOP votes before the next election. If she says no to Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, Democrats might want to consider what happened after Dove lost his job before they hand MacDonough a pink slip.

In the spring of 2001, the GOP majority stiff-armed one of its most independent-minded members, then-Vermont Sen. Jim Jeffords, on his push for special education funding in that year’s budget. Jeffords then voted in favor of a Democratic amendment to cut the size of the Republican tax cut. Days after Dove lost his job as parliamentarian, Jeffords voted against the GOP budget.

A few weeks after that, Jeffords left the Republican Party — throwing control of the Senate to Democrats.

Welcome to POLITICO Nightly. Reach out with news and tips at eschor@politico.com and rrayasam@politico.com, or on Twitter at @eschor and @renurayasam.

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FIRST IN NIGHTLY

The Amazon fulfillment warehouse at the center of a unionization drive is seen in Bessemer, Ala.

The Amazon fulfillment warehouse at the center of a unionization drive in Bessemer, Ala. | Getty Images

PRIMED FOR A SHOWDOWN — For the union trying to organize nearly 6,000 workers at an Amazon warehouse in Alabama, a successful election in the coming weeks could be only the beginning of the struggle to reach a collective bargaining agreement with the company, Rebecca Rainey writes.

Workers at the fulfillment center in Bessemer, a Birmingham suburb, have been voting since late February on whether to be represented by the Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union — an election that has drawn nationwide attention because it could result in Amazon’s first unionized facility in the U.S. The National Labor Relations Board will begin tallying the votes on Tuesday.

But initial collective bargaining agreements usually take years to hammer out at the negotiating table. More than half of workplaces that form unions are unable to reach an initial contract within a year, according to the left-leaning Economic Policy Institute, and 37 percent of newly formed private-sector unions still have no contract after two years.

“It’s so difficult to hold an employer accountable,” said Celine McNicholas, director of government affairs and labor counsel at EPI. And even if the union engages in “this protracted legal battle, you know the penalty that the employer is facing is quite frankly minimal.”

The outcome of the election is being so closely watched because the stakes go far beyond this warehouse. If the campaign in Alabama is successful, it could spark more organizing efforts at Amazon and other large retailers across the U.S. If it fails, it could galvanize Democrats’ fight to push through one of the broadest expansions of collective bargaining rights in nearly a century. At the same time, it could embolden many companies to take an even harder line against organized labor.

 

JOIN THE CONVERSATION, SUBSCRIBE TO “THE RECAST” Power dynamics are shifting in Washington, and more people are demanding a seat at the table, insisting that all politics is personal and not all policy is equitable. “The Recast” is a new twice-weekly newsletter that breaks down how race and identity are recasting politics, policy and power in America. Get fresh insights, scoops and dispatches on this crucial intersection from across the country and hear from new voices that challenge business as usual. Don’t miss out on our latest newsletter, SUBSCRIBE NOW. Thank you to our sponsor, Intel.

 
 
WHAT'D I MISS?

Nightly video player on CDC director's concerns on Covid reopenings

— CDC director warns of 'impending doom' as case counts rise: Rochelle Walensky said rebounding Covid case counts gave her a sense of “impending doom” and warned the public to continue following public health precautions with more contagious strains of the virus taking hold. “Right now I’m scared,” a visibly shaken Walensky said at a briefing during which officials warned the country is headed toward another surge with new cases topping 30 million in the U.S. and deaths once again averaging about 1,000 a day.

— WHO probe finds Covid lab leak ‘extremely unlikely’: An expert team assembled by WHO and China said that an animal most likely passed the virus to humans after catching it from a bat.

— Woman accuses Cuomo of kissing her against her wishes in 2017: The woman, Sherry Vill, said during a press conference this afternoon that New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo “suddenly grabbed her face and kissed her” in 2017 outside of her home in the town of Greece, which borders Lake Ontario. Cuomo was visiting the area to survey flood damage in the wake of a storm.

— Tillis to undergo surgery for prostate cancer: In a statement, Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) said the cancer was found early and that he expects to make a full recovery.

 

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ASK THE AUDIENCE

Nightly asks you: We want to hear from people experiencing anxiety about heading into post-pandemic life. Maybe you’re an introvert nervous about returning to the office, or maybe you’re broadly concerned about large social situations. Or maybe you’ve never struggled with social anxiety before and are about to face a new challenge. Tell us what you’re thinking in our form. We’ll share a few responses in our Friday edition.

AROUND THE NATION

THE CHANGING FACE OF FARMING — In 1920, Black farmers owned 14 percent of all farms in the U.S. Today, they own just 1.6 percent. In the latest POLITICO Dispatch, legislative reporter Ximena Bustillo breaks down the century of discrimination that led to that decline — and looks at newly invigorated efforts to undo the damage.

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AROUND THE WORLD

WHAT’S THE DEAL WITH THE DEAL? If Biden is serious about rejoining the Iran nuclear deal, then the next few weeks could prove make-or-break as the politics in both Washington and Tehran appear poised to intensify. For now, Biden’s team is struggling just to get the Iranians to the table, foreign affairs correspondent Nahal Toosi writes.

Biden administration officials, mindful of the increasingly unfavorable calendar, plan to put forth a new proposal to jumpstart the talks as soon as this week, two people familiar with the situation told POLITICO.

The proposal asks Iran to halt some of its nuclear activities, such as work on advanced centrifuges and the enrichment of uranium to 20 percent purity, in exchange for some relief from U.S. economic sanctions, said one of the people, who stressed that the details are still being worked out.

It’s not at all certain that Iran will accept the terms. Earlier this year, Tehran rejected a U.S. proposal it deemed unacceptable, then offered its own idea that Biden’s team declared a non-starter, two people familiar with the situation said.

Still, officials in both countries are aware that if no breakthrough takes place over the next few weeks, little is likely to happen until September at the earliest, and that’s if the deal can be saved at all. The warnings come as progressives pressure Biden to rejoin the deal and as some officials and analysts wonder if Biden is genuine about his stated desire to see the agreement revived.

 

THE LATEST FROM INSIDE THE WEST WING : A lot happened in the first two months of the Biden presidency. From a growing crisis at the border to increased mass shootings across the country while navigating the pandemic and ongoing economic challenges. Add Transition Playbook to your daily reads to find out what actions are on the table and the internal state of play inside the West Wing and across the administration. Track the people, policies and emerging power centers of the Biden administration. Don’t miss out. Subscribe today.

 
 
NIGHTLY NUMBER

90 percent

The proportion of American adults who will be able to get Covid vaccines within five miles of where they live in the next three weeks, the president said today.

PARTING WORDS

DECODING — Nightly’s Renuka Rayasam writes:

I first heard the term code-switching as an adult well into my 30s. As an Indian American who grew up in the Atlanta suburbs in the 1980s, I had been doing it all my life, but I never knew it was a thing . In fact I never thought that hard at all about race, even as it shaped my childhood and later my dating life and career.

Now that seems crazy. But it was a different generation, a different time. There were certain indignities that I, as a racial minority, just took for granted. No classmate or teacher said my name correctly until I got to college. My best hope for not being teased was going unnoticed.

It didn’t help that my parents, who grew up and got married in India and endured childhoods filled with far more economic uncertainty and far fewer choices for their professional and romantic lives, had no real patience for complaints about indignities. So, like them, I survived by developing a hardened armor.

During the pandemic, and especially in the weeks since the Atlanta shootings, I’ve been dredging up these memories, not just from my childhood but in my career, turning them over in my head and seeing them in a new light. When you’re older the indignities are more subtle — it’s hard to know whether certain hard moments in my adult life were because of someone’s ingrained ideas of being Indian American. I’ve gobbled up recent articles from Asian American writers about their experiences, about how hard they struggled to be seen as individuals by their classmates and colleagues.

I realized how I, like many other Asian Americans, ran from my identity because of my fear of others’ stereotypes. Indian Americans in my high school steadfastly avoided one another for fear of being lumped together as The Indians.

Every preference, every decision was informed by whether it fed or rejected a stereotype, which is true for many racial minorities in the U.S. A poem I read recently in the Atlantic sums it up this way: “You can be the Mexican writer who writes about tortillas/or you can be the Mexican writer who writes about croissants/instead of the tortillas on their plate.”

There is some change brewing — the actor George Takei spoke during Christiane Amanpour’s show recently about how the model minority myth has bred a silence and lack of solidarity. The people calling us models weren’t complimenting our achievements or sympathizing with our struggles. They were attempting to impose a singular —and silent — identity on a vastly disparate group of people, culturally and politically.

Younger generations — people younger than I am — are not content to suffer the indignities I did. They’re speaking out and running for office.

“It’s stopping now,” Takei said. “We are electing us — we are becoming now part of America.”

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RSN: FOCUS: Drug Patents and Big Pharma Are Slowing Down the Vaccine Rollout and More

 

 

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29 March 21

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OFF THAT COUCH AND HELP OUT … YES YOU! We have overwhelming numbers in our favor. What we need “you” to say is, “yes me.” I’ll be the one. It’s never fair, it’s never ideal or perfect. The only way to make it work is reject failure and take responsibility. Yes you. Who is better suited? / Marc Ash, Founder Reader Supported News

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FOCUS: Drug Patents and Big Pharma Are Slowing Down the Vaccine Rollout and More
A health care worker administers a dose of the Pfizer-BioNTech COVID-19 vaccine. (photo: Roger Kisby/Bloomberg/Getty Images)
Dean Baker, Jacobin
Baker writes: "Our current model of pharmaceutical research is based on patent monopolies designed to enrich drug company executives and shareholders. But there's a better way to develop new drugs and vaccines, based on public funding and open-source research."


t is often said that intellectuals have a hard time dealing with new ideas. Unfortunately, for purposes of public debate, open-source government funding of drug development is a new idea, and people in policy positions seem to be having a very hard time understanding it. So, I will try to write this post in a way that even a policy wonk can figure it out.

The basic idea of government-funded research should not be hard to grasp since the government already funds a large share of biomedical research. The National Institutes of Health gets over $40 billion a year in federal funding, with the Biomedical Advanced Research and Development Agency (BARDA) and other government agencies getting several billion more. This puts the government’s total spending in the $45 to $50 billion range, compared to a bit over $90 billion from the industry. So the idea that the government would fund research really should not be that strange.

Most of the public funding does go to more basic research, but there are plenty of instances where the government has actually funded the development of new drugs and also done clinical testing. But under the current system, most of the later stage funding does come from the industry and is funded through patent-monopoly pricing. Relying on open-source, government-funded research for later-stage development and testing would be a major change.

The Outlines of a System of Government-Funded Research

To my view, the best way for the government to support the development of new drugs is through long-term contracts (10–12 years), which would be awarded through competitive bids for research in specific areas, like cancer or heart disease. The plan would be for the contracts to be relatively large, with the idea that the winners would be comparable to prime contractors for the military. (I describe this system in somewhat more detail in chapter 5 of Rigged [it’s free].)

Major military contractors, like Lockheed or Boeing, typically contract out to many smaller companies in specific areas. This is a good model. Most of the major innovations in the development of new drugs have come from start-ups, who are often bought out by major pharmaceutical companies like Pfizer or Merck. The winners of prime contracts under this system would be foolish not to look to award contracts to innovative start-ups to ensure they have something to show for their work.

One condition that would apply to both prime contractors and any subcontractors is that all research findings would have to be fully open, meaning that they are posted on the Internet as soon as practical. This would apply both to preclinical research and the results of clinical trials. The posting of trial results would mean that researchers around the world would be able to independently analyze the data and assess the effectiveness and risks of drugs and vaccines for different populations.

I have had many people ask me what the incentive would be for the companies that win contracts to actually innovate as opposed to just spinning their wheels. Since they presumably would want to renew their contracts when they expire, that should provide substantial incentive for them to have something to show.

Also, the researchers would presumably want to actually do something with their time rather than just looking to collect a paycheck. I have also suggested having a large pot of money (e.g., $200 million a year) to pay out as prizes, similar to a Nobel Prize. If a researcher, or group of researchers, has a major breakthrough that will radically improve the treatment of heart attack victims, why not give them $10 million? But this prize would be on top of their ordinary pay, not a replacement.

People have often raised the problem of political influence determining the awarding of contracts. There is always a risk of political interference, which of course arises under the current system as well. One advantage of this system is that the full public posting of results should at the least make blatantly political decisions difficult, if not impossible. If a company had received $30 billion to research lung cancer over a ten-year period and had nothing to show in terms of new drugs or major innovations, it would be hard to justify another long-term contract to the same company.

All of the drugs developed through this system (the funding would include carrying new drugs through the FDA approval process) would be available as generics from the day they are approved. This would mean that new drugs that may sell for thousands of dollars, or even tens of thousands of dollars, under the patent monopoly system are likely to sell for ten or twenty dollars. Drugs are rarely expensive to manufacture and distribute; under a system of government-financed, open-source research, they would also be cheap to buy.

Government Funding in the Pandemic

The pandemic provided a great opportunity to experiment with open-source government funding. While we did the government funding part, with the US government alone putting up $10 billion through Operation Warp Speed, we did not get the open-source part. The government effectively paid for much or all of the research, but still gave private companies patent monopolies.

Ideally, we would have negotiated an international pact, where all countries would contribute to research, based on their size and relative wealth, and all findings would be fully open to researchers around the world. I’ve heard people object that it’s difficult to negotiate these sorts of deals, and we needed to act in a hurry. Some people have also insisted that China and Russia never would have agreed to such a deal.

On the first point, it really should not have taken very long to negotiate a pact. We are throwing money around all over the place. No one thinks that we are getting things exactly right. Some industries and individuals are getting compensated in ways that they probably don’t need or deserve and, undoubtedly, some people are being left behind. If the United States or some other country chips in 20 percent too much or too little, it would be chump change relative to the costs of the pandemics and various rescue packages being put forward.

As far as including China and Russia in a deal, I have no idea whether they would be anxious to join if given the opportunity. They have joined in many other international agreements, so there would be no prima facie reason to assume that they would not want to be parties to this sort of arrangement. We also can’t know for certain that they could be counted on to contribute their agreed-upon share and to make results fully open, but as a practical matter, both countries have been reasonably good about adhering to other agreements to which they are a party.

It would have been enormously advantageous if China and Russia would have been included in a pact with open-source research. Ideally, if all the successful vaccines were fully open, including their production processes, manufacturers anywhere in the world that had the ability to produce these vaccines could have done so.

And they could have begun to ramp up production even before the vaccines had been determined to be safe and effective. The cost of manufacturing one billion vaccines that turned out not to be approved is trivial, in both lives and money, compared to the cost of waiting to have one billion vaccines become available so that they can be administered.

While we can never know how much more quickly we could have learned about the effectiveness of vaccines and arranged their distribution, in an open-source world, we can have some idea just from what we have learned over the last several months.

For example, Pfizer discovered that it is possible to get six shots out of a standard shipping vial, not the five they originally believed. This means getting 20 percent more vaccines. If this knowledge was available sooner, it might have meant hundreds of thousands or even millions of additional vaccines.

There is also evidence, based on data from Israel, that the Pfizer vaccine is highly effective after just one shot. It is possible that if all the clinical trial data was fully public that this result could have been discovered sooner. This would have allowed countries to adopt a one-shot strategy with the second shot coming after most people had received their initial shot.

Pfizer also discovered that its vaccine can be kept in a normal freezer for up to two weeks, instead of requiring super-cold storage. If this was known sooner, it would have greatly facilitated the storage and distribution of the vaccine.

And Pfizer reported last month that it had discovered a way to alter its production process to nearly double its output of vaccines. It’s hard to believe that if engineers all over the world were familiar with Pfizer’s production process, not one would have been able to realize this potential improvement more quickly.

We also got an interesting lesson about incentives with reports that AstraZeneca cherry-picked the data it presented to the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) to gain approval of its vaccines. While AstraZeneca denies the charge, this problem would not exist in an open-source world.

First, the company that developed a vaccine or drug would have no special incentive to see it approved if it was not safe and effective. While it would like to have something to show when a contract came up, the risk of having a drug approved that later turned out not to be safe or effective would likely far exceed any potential benefit.

More importantly, the clinical trials would not be under its control. The data from these trials would be fully public so that any researcher anywhere in the world could analyze it independently. If the FDA or some other regulatory agency misread the data and made the wrong call, it is virtually certain that independent researchers would be able to recognize the mistake and call public attention to it.

We would not have stories like Purdue Pharma misleading physicians about the addictiveness of its opioids. Under a system of open-source research, they would have neither the incentive nor the opportunity.

If People Act the Way Economic Theory Predicts, We Should Want Open-Source Research

Economists always want to look at the incentive structures that we create with our policies. While patent monopolies do create incentives to develop drugs and vaccines, they also create incentives to keep as much research as possible secret, so as not to benefit competitors. The huge markups allowed by patent monopolies also create an enormous incentive for drug companies to lie about the safety and effectiveness of their products.

Open-source, publicly funded research radically alters the structure of incentives. The incentive is to try to have research results spread as widely and quickly as possible in the hope that others can build on them. And there is no incentive or opportunity to push drugs that are unsafe or ineffective. This is a big deal.


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RSN: Greg Palast and Thom Hartmann | The Oil Industry Floats on Lies

  

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29 March 21


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We have overwhelming numbers in our favor. What we need “you” to say is, “yes me.” I’ll be the one. It’s never fair, it’s never ideal or perfect. The only way to make it work is reject failure and take responsibility.

Yes you. Who is better suited?

Marc Ash
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Greg Palast and Thom Hartmann | The Oil Industry Floats on Lies
In this photo taken April 9, 1989 photo, a local fisherman inspects a dead California gray whale on the northern shore of Latouche Island, Alaska. The whale was found in the oil-contaminated waters of Prince William Sound. (photo: John Gaps III/AP)
Greg Palast and Thom Hartmann, Greg Palast's Website

t wasn’t human error that caused America’s greatest environmental disaster, the Exxon Valdez catastrophe, it was inhuman corporate miserliness — the oil industry’s systemic fraud, corruption, and penny-pinching la-di-da view of safety. In this edition of The Thom Hartmann Program, Hartman and Palast discuss the Exxon Valdez on the 32 anniversary of the catastrophe.

Thom Hartmann: 32 years ago today, the Exxon Valdez disaster happened. The myth that I think most of us believe, the story that was told — in fact a movie was made out of it — is that the captain of the ship was a drunk and therefore it ran aground… But there’s a much deeper story here and one of the guys who was on that story at the time, doing the research, publishing articles about it is the author of Vultures’ Picnic, which features the full Exxon Valdez story. It’s one of Greg Palast’s absolutely does books…Greg, welcome back to the program. Tell us the true story of the Exxon Valdez.

Greg Palast: Yeah, let me declare that I was the chief investigator for the people that owned the shoreline, the Chugach Natives of Alaska. I lived up there with the natives. I was up there for a few years doing the investigation.

Here’s the story: There’s this whole myth that there’s a drunken skipper, like someone at the wheel of a car who’s drunk and smashes into a rock. No, he was below deck sleeping it off. That’s not how that happened… Anyone could’ve taken that ship through there because they had the very first GPS system in the world on that ship. It was very easy to sail through and not hit a rock. There’s a big, giant light on Bligh Reef, they should have missed it. But, believe it or not, Exxon had the radar turned off — I kid you not. The radar was turned off. Why? Because it was broken. It was too expensive to fix. It’s not like your $200 Garmin. We’re talking a $2 million piece of equipment, which took a lot of people, millions of dollars of training. They turned off the radar.

The other thing is that it hit at Bligh Reef at the Tatitlek village. You have to understand, the Chugach Natives, my clients who I was investigating for, they were standing on the beach, watching this ship come towards them and smash into the rocks. And here’s the tragedy. it destroyed their village, it destroyed 1200 miles of coastline, it destroyed their lives… They’d cut a deal, the Chugach Natives had given Exxon and BP the Port of Valdez — a billion dollar property — for $1. But they said, what we care about is not your money, we want these waters clean and safe. You put us in charge of the safety. Number one, you must have state-of-the-art radar. And they got Exxon to agree to it. And of course they turned off the radar… The second condition is that you have to have safety equipment at Bligh Reef in case oil spill.

It’s very easy, by the way, to clean up an oil spill. It’s really simple. You put rubber boom around it and then you get a containment ship and you suck it out. So you put on the rubber on it and suck it out and you’re done — you would have never heard of the Exxon Valdez. Exxon lied and BP lied and said that there was spill equipment right there at Bligh Reef, right where the ship hit, but it was a complete lie. They signed a document. It was a fraud.

And even worse, part of the deal for getting Valdez was that they hire the natives who were experts in being able to get into that icy water, with special suits on to surround a ship where there’s a spill. But kust before the tanker hit, they’d fired the natives to save money. They never put out the equipment. They fired the natives who were prepared and trained to surround a stricken vessel and stop the oil from flowing out, by pumping it out. You would have never heard of the Exxon Valdez except that Exxon and its partner British Petroleum lied and lied and lied — and that’s why we still know the name Exxon Valdez 33 years later.

Hartmann: I think we also know the name of Joseph…

Palast: Hazelwood. Look, if you’re a captain, you shouldn’t be drunk. But he wasn’t driving the car, he wasn’t driving the vessel. The problem was,

Hartmann: Right, he was in the back seat.

Palast: He was below decks, sleeping it off. So was the first and second mate, the third mate, he wasn’t exactly expert, but they had the radar. Any 12-year old who’s played a video game would know how to move that ship by following the GPS. That’s all you have to do. It’s a big, giant, wide channel.

Hartmann: But if you’ve got no GPS, you’ve got a problem.

Palast:vYeah. And, by the way, on top of everything else, while Exxon Mobil has run giant, full-page ads for several years about their safe vessels, because they have double hulls. Well, they didn’t. The Exxon Valdez had a single hull because Exxon and BP had successfully fought congressional demands to have every tanker out of Valdez have a double hull. They beat that, said it wasn’t necessary. When the tanker hit, if it had hit the reef and had the double hull, they wouldn’t have lost 12 ounces of oil let alone, you know, we don’t know how many gallons, but about 42 million gallons of oil.

Hartmann: Wow… What was the consequences of this to Exxon, other than bad publicity, which they seem to have been able to greenwash away? And what happened to your clients, the Native Americans there?

Palast: Well, oh boy, I fought Exxon for years on their behalf with the legal team and we uncovered this massive fraud. And they said, if you make the fraud public, if you use the F-word — fraud — we will never give you a penny. So they gave the natives a few shekels. What they did was they basically bought the natives’ land. Why? Cause they actually wanted to use it for oil work staging. You can still go to the Chugach lands, like to Sleepy Bay, and if you stick your hand in the gravel at the beach at Sleepy Bay — I go about every 10 years — if you stick your hand in the gravel, it’ll come up with goo and smell like a gas station.

This fantasy that nature is an endless toilet that flushes itself clean is nonsense. So they’ve still got the hydrocarbon. It killed their seals, it made their sardines that they live off inedible. I was at the Chenega village. They lived 100% off the land. Everything was poisoned. It destroyed their way of life. And a judge ruled that the native way of life, living off the land — which they have lived off for 3000 years — a judge said, look, your native life is just a lifestyle choice, you know, you could always just go to a supermarket (which is a hundred miles away by air). So they got nothing for the destruction of their way of life. It destroyed those villages. It destroyed those villages. It was horrendous, and it’s still there… And Exxon is still putting out the lie that nature cleans itself. Again, it’s just a toilet you can keep flushing. Because who goes up there? This is really remote.

Hartmann: Is any of this still being litigated?

Palast: No. By the way, Exxon told me when I tried to cut a deal with them, they said, you know, buddy, we can wait you out 20 years in a courtroom. And I thought, well, that’s an exaggeration. No, it was 20 years before the U.S. Supreme Court ruled and cut out 90% of the jury and court judgment against Exxon — 90% of the court judgment! It was the case that virtually ended punitive damages in America. So I don’t think people understand what happens with these oil spills. It is permanent destruction and you’re finished. These guys lie. The oil industry floats on lies.

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Dr. Deborah Birx served as response coordinator for the White House Coronavirus Task Force. (photo: Getty Images/AFP)
Dr. Deborah Birx served as response coordinator for the White House Coronavirus Task Force. (photo: Getty Images/AFP)


Feuds, Fibs and Finger-Pointing: Trump Officials Say Coronavirus Response Was Worse Than Known
Dan Diamond, The Washington Post
Diamond writes: 

'That’s what bothers me every day’: Birx and others admit failures that hampered the White House response


everal top doctors in the Trump administration offered their most pointed and direct criticism of the government response to coronavirus last year, with one of them arguing that hundreds of thousands of covid-19 deaths could have been prevented.

They also admitted their own missteps as part of a CNN special that aired Sunday night, saying that some Trump administration statements the White House fiercely defended last year were misleading or outright falsehoods.

“When we said there were millions of tests available, there weren’t, right?” said Brett Giroir, who served as the nation’s coronavirus testing czar, referencing the administration’s repeated claims in March 2020 that anyone who sought a coronavirus test could get one. “There were components of the test available, but not the full meal deal.”

“People really believed in the White House that testing was driving cases, rather than testing was a way for us to stop cases,” said Deborah Birx, who served as White House coronavirus coordinator. Birx also said that most of the virus-related deaths in the United States after the first 100,000 in the spring surge could have been prevented with a more robust response. “That’s what bothers me every day,” she said.

CNN’s special with Giroir, Birx and four other senior physicians was pitched as a tell-all with former Trump officials, who are increasingly speaking out about what went wrong after more than 400,000 people in the United States died with the virus during the Trump administration. An additional 130,000-plus have died of covid-19 since President Biden’s inauguration, according to data compiled by The Washington Post

But the finger-pointing and portrayals of some episodes prompted critics to say that former Trump administration officials who managed the pandemic response have turned to a new project: managing their legacies.

“It’s ridiculous,” said Ashish Jha, dean of Brown University’s public health school and a prominent pandemic commentator. “Brett Giroir knew we had a problem with testing. With PPE. With vaccine distribution. He told me as much. But he felt he needed to say what the administration wanted to hear publicly.”

The CNN special is among the first of a slew of in-progress books and other projects plumbing the Trump administration’s oft-chaotic response to the coronavirus, providing former officials an opportunity to air their side of the story — often in a far more favorable light than previously reported. Some of those officials also have compared notes and aligned their recollections, a dynamic detailed by Politico last week, as they work to rehabilitate their reputations and shape future perspectives on the pandemic.

“I was marginalized every day. I mean, that is no question. The majority of the people in the White House did not take this seriously,” said Birx, who increasingly broke with the administration on its testing strategy and mitigation efforts as the year progressed. Birx said she was personally rebuked by Trump after warning in an August interview that Americans needed to take strict safety precautions because the virus was “extraordinarily widespread.”

“He felt very strongly that I misrepresented the pandemic in the United States, that I made it out to be much worse than it is,” she said. “I feel like I didn’t even make it out as bad as it was.”

Robert Redfield, the former director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, said that political meddling with his agency’s Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Reports — the vaunted scientific reviews that researchers use to detail their findings — went further than had been reported last year. Redfield alleged that Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar personally intervened to try to change reports that political officials did not like.

“I was on more than one occasion called by the secretary and his leadership, directing me to change the MMWR. He may deny that, but it’s true,” Redfield told CNN. Azar has denied the claim, and several former senior HHS staff said in a joint statement that the secretary and his deputies “always regarded the MMWR as sacrosanct.”

One of the disputes between Azar and Redfield centered on CDC’s decision to publish an advisory committee’s recommendations on which Americans should be prioritized for the coronavirus vaccine, said two former officials speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss private conversations.

Stephen Hahn, the former commissioner of the Food and Drug Administration, told CNN interviewer Sanjay Gupta that his relationship with Azar deteriorated after the health secretary revoked the agency’s ability to regulate some coronavirus tests. Hahn framed the issue as a “line in the sand” that put patients at risk and, responding to Gupta’s questions, implied that Azar had berated him during the dispute.

“There is definitely that sort of pressure, Sanjay. You know, it’s true. At the end of the day, someone’s trying to ask me to do something that I don’t think is right,” Hahn said. Azar told CNN that he disputed Hahn’s recollection of the conversation, and said the then-FDA commissioner threatened to resign on their call, which Hahn denied.

Birx used her CNN interview to criticize Scott Atlas, a radiologist who was installed as a high-level White House adviser in August 2020 despite his lack of infectious-disease experience. Atlas caught the White House’s attention after defending the administration’s response and arguing concerns about the virus were overblown, and Trump quickly came to favor him over Birx and other officials.

“I told people I would not be in a meeting with Dr. Atlas again. I felt very strongly that I didn’t want an action that legitimized in any way his position,” said Birx. The Post last year reported on Birx’s clashes with Atlas and her efforts to warn about the pandemic’s risks that conflicted with the White House’s more optimistic response. CNN said Atlas didn’t respond to a request for comment.

Robert Kadlec, the former assistant secretary for preparedness and response, told CNN that early plans to ramp up coronavirus supplies by invoking the Defense Production Act — which would have compelled manufacturers to prioritize the administration’s supply requests — were slowed down by an administration fight over funding that dragged on through February. “The thing is, is that in order to invoke the Defense Production Act, you have to basically have a contract. That didn’t happen till April because we didn’t get our money till March,” Kadlec said.

While tell-alls are a regular Washington phenomenon as officials exit government and offer more candid personal perspectives on White House policy battles, some longtime hands noted the stakes are elevated in this case because of the historic importance of the coronavirus — and the United States’ unexpectedly poor performance.

“I think what makes the urgency greater is that the event was a once-in-a-100-year pandemic when more than half a million people died” in the United States, said William Pierce, a senior director at public-affairs firm APCO Worldwide and a former senior health official during the Bush administration. “Histories are going to be written about this for the next 100 years.”

Several former Trump officials defended the growing number of tell-all interviews, saying they are important to understand what went wrong.

“It could be a very valuable exercise to tell their stories and let people evaluate them so we’ll be better prepared next time,” said Joe Grogan, who led Trump’s domestic policy efforts and was part of the White House’s coronavirus task force before leaving the administration in May 2020.

Others were more critical of their former colleagues’ comments, saying that they had waited too long to speak out and are now attempting to rehabilitate their reputations.

For instance, Birx had praised Trump’s response after being installed as White House coronavirus coordinator in March 2020, commending his attentiveness to scientific literature — even as the then-president was pushing anti-malaria drugs such as hydroxychloroquine as a potential coronavirus treatment over the objections of his scientific advisers.

“They were all complicit in a narrative to downplay the threat because they felt that’s what Trump wanted,” said another former senior Trump administration official who spoke on the condition of anonymity. “They manipulated their statements to please Trump right up until the point that it was painfully clear they had made a bad personal trade.”

Asked why they didn’t speak out sooner, some officials said they calculated that by staying in the administration, they were better able to influence the response, said eight people involved in the coronavirus response, many of whom spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss still-confidential conversations.

But the damage to their reputations appears to have lingered, as many have gone to relatively low-profile roles since leaving the Trump administration. Birx this month joined an air-cleaning company and is serving as a senior fellow at the George W. Bush Institute. Hahn joined the board of a small therapeutics company, and Redfield is serving as an adviser on Maryland’s coronavirus response. Others like Giroir and Azar have yet to announce their next roles.

It’s a contrast to their predecessors in previous administrations, who often announced prominent positions shortly after leaving government. Margaret Hamburg, who served as Barack Obama’s FDA commissioner before stepping down in April 2015, was named five days later as foreign secretary of the National Academy of Medicine, an influential advisory group on health and science issues. Sylvia Mathews Burwell, who led HHS until the end of the Obama administration in January 2017, was announced six days later as the new president of American University in Washington, D.C.

CNN also interviewed Anthony S. Fauci, the government’s top infectious-disease expert who’s now advising Biden and who was publicly critical of aspects of Trump’s response last year — unlike some of his political counterparts. The career civil servant has continued to speak out since Biden’s inauguration, recently lamenting the “lost opportunity” when Trump chose to get vaccinated in private rather than in public, and defending his own decision to stay in government service last year.

“When people just see you standing up there, they sometimes think you’re being complicit in the distortions emanating from the stage,” Fauci told the New York Times. “But I felt that if I stepped down, that would leave a void. Someone’s got to not be afraid to speak out the truth.”

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Joe Biden spoke as a candidate at a forum hosted by the gun groups Giffords and March For Our Lives. He pledged to devote $900 million to community gun violence intervention efforts in cities with high rates of gun violence. (photo: Ethan Miller/Getty Images)
Joe Biden spoke as a candidate at a forum hosted by the gun groups Giffords and March For Our Lives. He pledged to devote $900 million to community gun violence intervention efforts in cities with high rates of gun violence. (photo: Ethan Miller/Getty Images)


White House Causes Frustration in Private and Public Responses to Gun Violence
Juana Summers, NPR
Summers writes: 

s President Biden called on senators to quickly pass legislation to tighten the nation's background checks system, he said that he did not need to "wait another minute" to address the epidemic of gun violence.

Biden's comments the day after 10 people were killed in a mass shooting at a Boulder, Colo., grocery store were welcome news for gun violence prevention advocates after seeing no action so far on an issue the president campaigned on tackling seriously. Those same advocates were dumbfounded to hear Biden say later in the week that infrastructure, not reforming the nation's gun laws, would remain his administration's next priority.

Manny Oliver, whose son was killed in the 2018 school shooting in Parkland, Fla., recalled speaking to Biden after his son's death and discussing their shared experience of grief. He addressed Biden directly during a press conference on Friday.

"Now, Mr. Biden, you are the president of the United States. I am still the father of Joaquin, carrying my pain. And I will be the father of Joaquin regardless of who is the president of the United States" he said. "But as long as you are inside the White House, I need to go to you and ask you to go back to that conversation that we had and start doing something."

Before the shootings in Boulder and the Atlanta-area turned the nation's attention to gun control, the Biden administration was already holding meetings with key stakeholders focused on the issue — an attempt to deliberately plan action to prevent gun violence, rather than reacting to tragedy. But grassroots violence prevention advocates have raised questions about the way the administration initially convened those meetings.

Data underscore the urgency they feel. According to the Gun Violence Archive, gun violence killed nearly 20,000 people across the United States in 2020. Another 24,000 people died by suicide with a gun. And yet, the only major debate about gun policy in the last year came after two mass shootings grabbed major headlines.

The fleeting, reactive nature of these debates has been a particular frustration of some gun violence prevention advocates.

"For too long our policy has been reactive. Only serving as a measure to react whenever gun violence occurs, react whenever another shooting happens, whether it be on our streets and in our schools," said Luis Hernandez, a co-founder of Youth Over Guns. "But there hasn't been strong policy that actually prevents what's going on."

Susan Rice, who heads up the Domestic Policy Council, and Cedric Richmond, in charge of the Office of Public Engagement, have been leading the administration's outreach to gun control groups.

After an initial meeting in February that included groups like Everytown for Gun Safety, Moms Demand Action, Giffords and Brady, a number of leaders of groups who were not included wrote to the White House expressing their concerns.

"Some of these advocates were amazing organizations. I don't discredit them, I think they're doing some great work. But the challenge for us was that they were all white and they didn't bring a lived experience, and didn't represent the urban communities persay," said Eddie Bocanegra, who heads up an initiative run by the Heartland Alliance called READI Chicago.

Bocanegra had also been a part of a group that came together during the Biden transition to work on gun violence related policies.

"We felt very disrespected by that, it was kind of a blow," Bocanegra said. "Who and what's informing the president's decisions in the next 100 days."

While the administration did ultimately hold several meetings with grassroots violence prevention groups, they say the initial exclusion speaks to a familiar pattern of being overlooked during the debate over how to best address gun violence.

"If we only talk about gun violence when there's a mass shooting, then we're going to have a certain perspective of what gun violence looks like and what the remedies are," said Antonio Cediel of Faith in Action.

Kina Collins of the Illinois Council Against Handgun Violence, pointed to the proposed assault weapons ban as an example, something Biden championed as a senator and spoke forcefully in favor of renewing after the Boulder shooting.

"That's not what we're dealing with in communities that deal with everyday gun violence," she said. "We're dealing with hand guns. We're dealing with straw purchases, we're dealing with illegal guns floating across the borders into states. That's what we're dealing with."

Collins also pointed out the racial disparities in gun violence. In Cook County, Ill., there were 875 gun-related homicides in the year 2020. Most of those killings happened in the city of Chicago.

"Seventy-eight percent of those people were African Americans," Collins said. "I don't know any place in the country if we saw that many white folks dying of gun violence that we wouldn't call it a state of emergency."

During the campaign, Biden said gun violence was an epidemic. During a 2019 candidate town hall organized by Giffords and March For Our Lives, Alycia Moaton of Good Kids Mad City asked Biden about his plan to reduce gun violence in inner cities.

Biden pledged to dedicate $900 million to community-based violence prevention programs in 40 cities with the highest rates of gun violence. In his response, he tried to relate to Moaton in describing the racial disparities in who is killed.

"There is a mass shooting in my city of Wilmington, your city of Chicago, all of the cities that have large black and brown populations every single day," Biden said. "What gets the headlines, and it should, are the mass shootings."

These groups are now calling on the administration to go further, and dedicate more than $5 billion dollars to these efforts over the next eight years.

"Trillions of dollars were given to businesses to bail them out, and we're just saying put a fraction of that into our children's lives," said LIFE Camp founder Erica Ford. "How do you think people feel when nobody cares about their children? When every day Black children are being shot in the street and we're acting like it's not even happening?"

Community violence intervention programs are among the areas that the White House is considering addressing by way of executive action. The White House has released no details on how it might fund community violence prevention programs, or at what level, and declined to comment when asked by NPR.

White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki said at a press briefing on Friday that Biden understands the frustration of gun control advocates at the pace of action, but added that their frustration "should be vented at the members of the House and Senate who voted against the measures the president supports, and we'd certainly support their advocacy in that regard."

Psaski did not provide a timetable, but said that there would be "more efforts" by Biden and the administration to move on the issue, including executive actions.

Some advocates have said that the fact that two senior officials who are both Black are taking a leading role in engaging on gun policy adds a more nuanced understanding of the issues.

"The reality is that Susan Rice and Cedric Richmond are both Black people," Hernandez said. "They're folks that know too well what the Black experience is in America and so they bring that lens to the work."

But they say this also means that gun violence is wedged in between all of the other priorities within Rice's portfolio, and a number of gun control groups have called for the White House to appoint a director of gun violence prevention, a recommendation that the White House has not committed to.

"Until we do so, we're just going to have Susan Rice and the rest of the domestic policy team that's focusing on every other domestic policy trying to also address gun violence when we are in the middle of a public health crisis that requires someone's full attention," he said.

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Activists appeal for a $15 minimum wage near the Capitol in Washington DC on 25 February. (photo: J Scott Applewhite/AP)
Activists appeal for a $15 minimum wage near the Capitol in Washington DC on 25 February. (photo: J Scott Applewhite/AP)


'You Will Not Have Your Seat Again': How the Fight for $15 Movement Gained New Momentum
Lauren Aratani, Guardian UK
Aratani writes: "Congress's failure to raise the federal minimum wage last month dealt a blow, but advocates are pressuring lawmakers to bring the issue back."


or Terrence Wise, a McDonald’s employee from Kansas City, Missouri, the battle for a raise in the federal minimum wage is far from over.

Joe Biden campaigned on a raise, the first since 2009, and the majority of Americans of both parties support an increase. And yet, last month, Congress blocked an increase from the paltry $7.25 an hour where it has been stuck since 2009. Now there are signs of new momentum for change.

If Washington can’t find a solution, Wise had a warning for politicians of both sides. “If you’re not going to make $15 a reality for workers, if you’re not going to create an environment for workers to join a union and make that possible, you will not be re-elected. You will not have your seat again,” Wise said, an organizer with the Fight for $15 movement. “We will not continue to choose representatives who are truly not representing us or who are out of tune with the working class.

“We say don’t take it as a threat – take it as a promise.”

High hopes that the federal minimum wage would be lifted for the first time in over 10 years came with the introduction of Biden’s $1.9tn stimulus package. The wage hike, which Biden tucked into his original stimulus plan, would have been the largest victory for the Fight for $15 movement since it started to mobilize fast-food workers in 2012.

But when the bill hit the Senate, the wage increase faced two major hurdles: moderate Democrats who said that $15 was just too high and a ruling from the Senate’s parliamentarian on whether including an increase in the spending bill would break Senate rules.

Ultimately, both factors stopped the increase from going into law.

While Congress’s failure to raise the minimum wage dealt a blow to the Fight for $15 movement, advocates say there is still enough momentum behind the issue to build pressure on lawmakers in DC to bring a $15 minimum wage back to the table. Activists also say the Democratic party risks losing the support of some of its base if a new minimum wage fails to pass.

“It’s such a core priority for so many organizations, for so many people, so many of the voters that put a lot of these elected officials into office,” said Tsedeye Gebreselassie, director of work quality at the National Employment Law Project. “It’s the top economic policy priority this year.”

Multiple polls have shown there is broad support for a $15 minimum wage. One Pew Research poll from 2019 found that 67% of Americans support a minimum wage increase. An Amazon/Ipsos poll released this month found approximately the same percentage of support.

With inaction from Congress, 29 states have increased their own minimum wage above the federal rate. Seven states have passed legislation increasing their minimum wage to $15 gradually, Florida being the most recent state to pass the measure by a ballot initiative. A few companies have also taken things into their own hands, with Costco, Amazon and Target increasing their minimum wage to at least $15 in recent years.

The increase in positive public opinion and the adoption of a $15 minimum wage by states and companies are hard-fought achievements for the Fight for $15, but federal legislation would force states and companies who refuse to increase their minimum wage to adapt.

In recent weeks, the White House and Democrats in Congress have said they will continue to push the issue forward, though how the party plans to get legislation through the Senate remains unclear. Ron Klain, Biden’s chief of staff, told MSNBC on 14 March “we’re in the fight for $15”.

“We are going back at it to try to find a legislative strategy to get the votes together to pass the minimum wage,” Klain said. “We are going to talk to our allies on Capitol Hill, our allies in the broader Fight for $15, and try to figure out how we get the votes.”

Reports have indicated that Democratic senators who pushed for the $15 minimum wage are meeting with their colleagues who voted against it to talk about next steps to increase the minimum wage.

All Republicans and eight Democrats voted against the inclusion of the wage increase in the stimulus bill. Most of the Democratic senators who voted against it voiced concerns over the rushed way the raise was being passed and its potential impact on small businesses and restaurants, but indicated they were open to some kind of increase.

One Democratic senator, Joe Manchin, who is considered the most conservative Senate Democrat, was the star holdout during the minimum wage debate. Manchin said that he supports an increase that is “responsible and reasonable”, citing an $11 figure as something he would support.

In addition to getting all party senators on the same page, Democrats will either have to overrule the Senate parliamentarian, who in February ruled that a wage increase cannot be included in a bill passed with a simple majority, or get support from at least 10 Republican senators to pass the bill.

Support to overrule the parliamentarian as the stimulus bill went through Congress was weak, with Biden saying that he was “disappointed” in the decision but that he would “respect” it.

Another way to bypass the parliamentarian’s ruling would be if Democrats agree to do away with the filibuster, which would allow them to pass legislation with a simple majority. Legislation protecting voting rights has recently shed a more prominent spotlight on the debate over the filibuster, though some Democrats have voiced hesitancy over getting rid of the procedure.

Meanwhile, some moderate Republicans have come out with minimum wage increase plans of their own, showing that there is some support for an increase as the party tries to appeal to more working-class voters, though they are scaled back compared to what progressive Democrats want.

One plan, created by Republican senators Mitt Romney and Tom Cotton, would increase the minimum wage to $10 an hour by 2025 and include a crackdown on employers hiring undocumented workers. Another plan, from Republican senator Josh Hawley, would increase the minimum wage to $15 for corporations who make more than $1bn a year.

Though it appears compromise could be made on an increased minimum wage that is lower than $15, progressive Democrats and advocates for a $15 minimum wage are refusing to budge to anything below that.

Progressive House Democrats, in an attempt to pressure their colleagues in the Senate to take on a $15 wage, have started to renew demands for legislation. On a recent call with the press, a dozen House Democrats, labor leaders and activists demanded that a $15 wage increase be passed by the end of the year.

Representative Ro Khanna, who organized the call, said that Democrats can include the increase in must-pass legislation, such as the annual defense spending bill. Khanna, along with other progressive Democrats, have also advocated for overturning the parliamentarian to raise the minimum wage to $15 if it comes to it.

“[We’re] making the case now that we’ve got to be prepared to overturn the parliamentarian if it comes to that, and that we have to get it done,” Khanna said. “This time we realized that we have to mobilize to make this clear months in advance, so it’s not like we’re doing this a week before the parliamentarian decision or right when the parliamentarian rules.”

Khanna said the number of groups on the call demonstrates the widespread support for a $15 minimum wage in the Democratic party.

“There could be real disappointment if we don’t get it this time,” Khanna said. “The Democratic party is unified around this in the House, among groups and, candidly, [among] the people who helped us win the election.”

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An angry white person. (photo: CNN)
An angry white person. (photo: CNN)


'Jesus Never Condemned Slavery': Florida Board to Rename Robert E. Lee High School. White People Object by Being Racist
Zack Linly, The Root
Linly writes: "For nearly a year now, a community in Duval County of Jacksonville, Fla., has been in the midst of a controversy that is all over one thing as far as I can tell: White people love their slavery symbols."

Thursday marked the final debate in a series of debates over the renaming of Robert E. Lee High School—which of course is named for the Confederate general whose legacy is that he fought valiantly in a war...to keep Black people in chains. A debate like this in a state like Florida is only likely to go one way: Whiny and terrible white adults will quickly show their racism and ignorance and students who actually attend the school will feel ignored and devalued.

Now, because I’m always concerned about the overheating of Black people’s rage-o-meter when writing up reports on aggravated white nonsense, I’m going to start with the least fucked up anti-name change comments before moving on to the more caucacious of flagrant displays of caucasity. Spoiler alert: One of these mother fuckers actually defends the school name by defending slavery.

From News 4 JAX:

“Why should the name be changed, because it’s offensive? If this is a real issue, will it stop here? No,” Don Likens said during the meeting. “This will continue until everything that is offensive to this cancel culture movement is just that. Canceled.”

“We’re here because this situation has been created to promote unrest,” said Cathy Silcox.

CNN live-streamed some of the community meeting so that we could hear more from the lily-white...I mean, lovely color-redacted members of the county.

“Communism destroys a nation by removing all icons,” said one angry white boomer who, like many angry white boomers in America, has no clue what the fuck communism is—a thing this guy makes crystal-clear when he goes on to say— “Such as Aunt Jemima’s face from pancake mix.”

This fool thinks “communism” is why Aunt Jemima was removed; not the fact that the symbol is demonstrably racist—demonstrated by the fact that white people keep using the name as a racial slur against Black women.

Anyway, I’ve already done a whole thing about the largely fictitious thing people call “cancel culture” and the hypocrisy of conservatives railing against it.

Besides, the wilfully obtuse wypipo comments get so much worse than this.

“I was taught that the chiefs of the tribes in Africa sold their people into slavery,” one woman of the Klan-ish Karen variety can be heard saying. “If it had not been that way, there would not been slaves anywhere in America for Robert E. Lee or anybody else to have owned.”

Already this is a display of ahistorical honky-fied hogwash, but this woman takes things even further by telling Black students: “Don’t blame Robert E. Lee; maybe you should be after your ancestors.”

I rue the day that white conservatives discovered the fact that Africans sold their own into slavery—because they only care about the part of that history that they think excuses America. While it’s true that West Africans sold slaves to Europeans, it’s not like they showed up on America’s doorstep like the fucking Avon lady and presented Americans with an array of living products. The western world bought their slaves while colonizing Africa.

The system of slavery that existed in Africa wasn’t race-based and it wasn’t intergenerational. Slavers in Africa could never have conceived of a system of slavery as high-demand and as cruel as the transatlantic slave trade—where the enslaved were tortured, sold away from their families, and removed from their heritages, and one where the children of the enslaved were born into bondage for generations.

Besides, what the hell does it matter how white people got their slaves when they are still the ones who upheld slavery for hundreds of years and then confined Black people to second-class citizenship for a hundred years (at least) after that?

Somehow, the testimonies of the clueless and hueless got even worse—which brings us to this last guy.

“It says in the bible, Jesus himself never condemned slavery,” one man who clearly has no qualms with his own bigotry said. “In fact, he said slaves have an obligation to obey their master.”

As bad and bigoted as things got during this meeting, I must admit even I didn’t expect “Robert E. Lee defended slavery and so did God” to be a hill anyone was willing to die on.

Who cares what these ignorant wastes of space who don’t even go to the school think anyway? What about the students?

More from News 4:

“Every day I see my African American friends, peers, teachers and administrators walk the halls of a school that is named after someone who oppressed their people and led a war to continue to enslave them,” said a student who supports a name change.

“We need a change, and the people here in this room today are for that change,” said another student. “We have come here five times and we will do it as long as it takes for us to get change.”

18-year-old Senior Class President Deyona Burton said many students simply feel ignored and unheard.

“We weren’t being heard at the community meetings because a lot of students can’t make it,” she said. “We are posting it on social media but they are not really looking on social media. Now, we’re literally not being heard in the school. Now, it goes hand in hand, so yes, tension. Yes, confusion, hesitancy, because we have been threatened with not being able to walk the stage.”

When asked if she was still proud of her school—which recently removed a teacher from the classroom over a Black Lives Matter banner—Burton basically said, “Nah.”

“So I have always told people that I always thought Lee was the students’, but lately, I cannot tell what the school stands for,” she said. “I don’t know if we the current students are the school, if the alumni are the school, if the admin are the school because each of them have a different agenda. So I can’t say I’m proud of the school without knowing what it stands for and that symbolism and definition has been lost or I can’t see it anymore, and definitely not in this climate, but I will always be proud of my peers and my students.”

According to News 4, the “School Advisory Committee will meet on April 5 to finalize up to five name recommendations to include on a ballot.”

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Police officers detain a demonstrator as they prevent an opposition action to protest the official presidential election results in Minsk, Belarus, Saturday, March 27, 2021. (photo: AP)
Police officers detain a demonstrator as they prevent an opposition action to protest the official presidential election results in Minsk, Belarus, Saturday, March 27, 2021. (photo: AP)


Belarus Police Arrest More Than 100 Protesters Calling for President to Step Down
Associated Press
Excerpt: "Police in the capital of Belarus arrested more than 100 people who assembled for a protest march Saturday to call for the resignation of the country's authoritarian president."

The planned event in Minsk indicated that supporters of the political opposition seek to revive the wave of mass protests that gripped Belarus for months last year but were dormant during the winter. During the first sizable anti-government protests of 2021, more than 200 people were detained Thursday.

Five journalists were among those arrested. Four were later released, but it was not clear if the fifth, the editor of the popular newspaper Nasha Niva, faced charges.

Some journalists arrested while covering last year’s protests were sentenced to two years in prison.

Protests broke out in August after a disputed election that gave President Alexander Lukashenko a sixth term in office. Lukashenko, who has been characterized as Europe’s last dictator, has strongly repressed opposition and independent news media during 26 years in power.

The post-election protests were the largest and most persistent show of opposition the former Soviet republic has seen in that time, with some of them attracting as many as 200,000 people.

More than 33,000 people were arrested during the protests, and many of them were beaten by police.

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Not the wolf the governor killed. (photo: Julian Stratenschulte/Getty Images)
Not the wolf the governor killed. (photo: Julian Stratenschulte/Getty Images)


The Bizarre Story of the Montana Governor Shooting a Wolf From Yellowstone
Molly Olmstead, Slate
Olmstead writes: 

n Tuesday, Nate Hegyi, a reporter for the Mountain West News Bureau, reported that Montana Gov. Greg Gianforte had trapped and killed a radio-collared wolf from Yellowstone National Park. Because the wolf had wandered out of the park, Gianforte was legally allowed to kill it, but the governor was cited for violating state hunting regulations for failing to take a required wolf-trapping education course. The story raised questions about Gianforte’s honesty and about whether the governor violated more serious hunting regulations.

Slate spoke to Hegyi, who lives in Missoula, on Friday to see how the story had gone down in his state. This conversation has been edited and condensed for clarity.

Slate: How did this story come about?

Nate Hegyi: I have to protect a source, so I’m going to be vague. I received a tip that the governor had trapped and killed a Yellowstone wolf. And I was like, What? That’s crazy.

The person who tipped me off gave me some pretty critical information that I needed to start my reporting into it. I started asking questions with Montana’s top wildlife agency, and they confirmed that the governor had trapped and killed a wolf near the park, and that he was given a written warning. We decided to do it as a written story first, instead of an audio story. Then it kind of blew up.

How would you say your typical Montanan feels about these Yellowstone wolves?

A typical Montanan, their political views are all across the board. We have these college towns, Bozeman and Missoula, where you’ve got a lot of pretty liberal environmentalists. I’m sure they would be super angry that he killed a wolf so close to the park, and that it was radio-collared. You have animal rights activists. You’ve got people who will spend an entire summer driving around following the wolf packs. And then you have the hunting folks here in the state—who may not be bothered about the wolf trapping itself, because that’s perfectly legal in the state of Montana, but would be bothered by the fact that the governor didn’t take the trapping course, because it’s like taking driver’s ed before you go driving.

And then you have the super conservative contingent in Montana, including a lot of people who have moved here in recent years from places like California or Texas. They’re coming with a much more Trumpian conservatism that we haven’t really seen much in the state prior to, even, the pandemic. A lot of those new folks are not going to care whatsoever that the governor did this. In fact, they might like the governor more because he did this.

And then you have among a lot of other Montanans a general dislike of wolves. Because they do kill sheep and livestock. They are kind of considered a boogeyman out here in the West. And so the idea of killing a wolf, trapping education or not, doesn’t really bother them, because they see them more as a pest or nuisance.

What has been the wider reaction to your story?

If you look at it nationally, there’s definitely an expected rage. That didn’t surprise me. But within Montana, it’s more just like, there are more questions. How did he expect to check his traps every day while also serving as governor? You have to check [traps] at least every 48 hours. But ethically, you should be checking it every day. And those traps were set two and a half or three hours south of the Capitol. It’s a very time-intensive thing to do, to trap. Was that the best use of the governor’s time?

Do you know how long those traps were out?

The governor told a local reporter that they’ve been out since January, which would be at least two weeks prior to trapping that wolf. This is where it gets a little wonky. Gianforte was setting traps on a private ranch owned by a big conservative media mogul. And that guy’s ranch manager (who’s also the vice president of the Montana Trappers Association)—his name was also on these traps. And so there’s a good chance that the ranch manager was actually checking the traps for Gianforte. And maybe Gianforte was lucky enough that he was just down there on a federal holiday, and there was the wolf, after two or more weeks of waiting for the animal to get trapped. Was it just serendipitous? Or was the wolf trapped, and the ranch manager found it and called Gianforte? I don’t want to say either way, but that’s my biggest question. If the ranch manager called Gianforte, and Gianforte drove or flew over to kill it, that would have broken the state hunting regulations. You’re supposed to kill it or release it immediately upon seeing it. It’s the more humane thing to do.

Can you tell me about the debates happening with the wolf management policy?

The state legislature is Republican controlled, and for the first time in a couple of decades, we have a Republican governor. And one of their top priorities is pushing through a slate of bills that would make it a lot easier to hunt and trap more wolves, with the goal of reducing the population of wolves in the state. And there’s talk of reimbursing people for the cost to hunt a wolf, which critics call a bounty.

What else do people from outside the state need to know to understand this story?

Wolves are super controversial. In the West, they do kill livestock. Some people rely on cows and sheep to make a living. On the other hand, Montana relies on a lot of tourism. Maybe you went to Yellowstone National Park to see those wolves. The wolves are a big boon for our tourism industry. And so it’s just kind of a very classic push-and-pull between those two camps. Americans had pretty much eradicated the wolf from the West up until 1995, when they were reintroduced in Yellowstone National Park. And so it’s still very fresh. They’re like a symbol for the kind of culture wars that happen out West.

Were there any major hurdles you encountered when reporting this story?

I was frustrated with the governor’s office for not answering the questions I posed to them and for not making the governor available for an interview. I think that that’s something we’ve noticed since the Trump era.

Gianforte is famously antagonistic towards reporters.

Yeah, absolutely. It’s just a bummer. Because there has been a culture in the past of openness among both Republicans and Democrats. And it’s been frustrating to watch that culture of openness change. It doesn’t feel very Montanan.

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