Thursday, July 13, 2023

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NHTSA: Important Recall Info That MAY Affect Your Vehicle


U.S. Department of Transportation National Highway Traffic Safety Administration

Your vehicle MAY be involved in a safety recall and MAY create a safety risk for you or your passengers. If left unrepaired, a potential safety defect could lead to injury or even death. Safety defects must be repaired by a dealer at no cost to you.

The following may apply to one or more of your vehicles if your vehicle is listed below. Click on the NHTSA Recall ID Number below to read more about the safety issue and the reason for the recall.

To find out if your specific passenger vehicle is included in the recall, use our VIN Look-up Tool.

NHTSA Recall ID Number :23V468
Manufacturer :Toyota Motor Engineering & Manufacturing
Subject :Spare Tire Carrier Assembly Chain May Break
MakeModelModel Years
TOYOTASEQUOIA HYBRID2023
TOYOTATUNDRA2023
TOYOTATUNDRA HYBRID2023

What is a recall?
When a manufacturer or the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (NHTSA) determines that a vehicle creates an unreasonable risk to safety or fails to meet minimum safety standards, the manufacturer is required to fix that vehicle at no cost to the owner. That can be done by repairing it, replacing it, offering a refund (for equipment) or, in rare cases, repurchasing the car.

What should I do if my vehicle is included in this recall?
If your vehicle is included in this recall, it is very important that you get it fixed as soon as possible given the potential danger to you and your passengers if it is not addressed. You should receive a separate letter in the mail from the vehicle manufacturer, notifying you of the recall and explaining when the remedy will be available, whom to contact to repair your vehicle, and to remind you that the repair will be done at no charge to you. If you believe your vehicle is included in the recall, but you do not receive a letter in the mail from the vehicle manufacturer, please call NHTSA's Vehicle Safety Hotline at 1-888-327-4236, or contact your vehicle manufacturer or dealership.

Thank you for your attention to this important safety matter and for your commitment to helping save lives on America's roadways.

Additional Resources
Understanding Vehicle Recalls
Recalls FAQ

Thank you,

National Highway Traffic Safety Administration
United States Department of Transportation



To file a Vehicle safety-related complaint, please go online to our File a Complaint web page, or call us toll-free at 1-888-327-4236.

To find out more about NHTSA, visit nhtsa.gov, and follow us on Facebook and Twitter.






Letter to Schumer: Include Key Insulin Reforms in Anticipated Drug Pricing Package


A REMINDER!


Letter to Schumer: Include Key Insulin Reforms in Anticipated Drug Pricing Package

40 Organizations write to Majority Leader Schumer Outlining Key Elements for Insulin Legislation

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40 Groups' Letter to Schumer on Insulin Access and Pricing Reform

On July 10, 40 organizations wrote to Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer outlining three key pillars of insulin pricing and access policies that should be included in the anticipated prescription drug reform package.

The Honorable Charles E. Schumer

Majority Leader

United States Senate

Washington, D.C. 20510

Dear Leader Schumer,

Our organizations are committed to advancing access to affordable medicines for patients in the United States, including people with insurance from public programs like Medicare and Medicaid, people with private insurance, and people without insurance coverage.

We are grateful for your commitment to advance insulin legislation through the Senate in this session.[1] To deliver the relief that insulin-dependent patients need and put an end to insulin profiteering, the legislation advanced out of the Senate must include three key elements, described in further detail below:

  • Ensure people with private insurance and those without insurance, who are most vulnerable to rationing, have access to the insulin they need.
  • Stop insulin manufacturers from charging excessive prices.
  • Prevent anticompetitive tactics from drug corporations and middlemen from interfering with patient access to lower-priced insulin products, including biosimilars.

Under your leadership, the 117th Congress passed laws signed by President Biden that made generational advances in lowering drug prices and expanding access to lifesaving treatments like insulin, all while confronting the worst pandemic in a century.

Through the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), Americans with Medicare Part D will have guaranteed access to insulin for no more than $35 per month out of pocket. Reforms included in the American Rescue Plan lifted the Medicaid rebate limit to allow for deeper penalties on drug corporations that routinely spike prices at rates outpacing inflation, commensurate with the level of the abuse. Medicare may include some insulin products in direct government price negotiations for Part D and impose additional rebates for price increases above the rate of inflation, both also through reforms included in the IRA.

These laws are beginning to show results. Earlier this year, all three of the Big 3 insulin manufacturer corporations announced price concessions that, if fully carried out, will provide significant relief to people who depend on insulin to live. David Ricks, the Chair and CEO of Eli Lilly and Company promised to Sen. Sanders at a Senate HELP Committee hearing that the company would “leave our prices as they are for the insulins on the market today.”[2]

While the reforms advanced by the 117th Congress and concessions by insulin manufacturers can support insulin access for some patients with diabetes, they do not go far enough. A recent study published in the Annals of Internal Medicine found that 1.3 million people in the United States ration insulin.[3] Another recent survey showed as many as 1 in 4 people with type 1 diabetes ration insulin.[4] People without insurance were most likely to ration insulin (29.2% ration insulin), followed by those with private insurance (18.8%).[5] Rationing is disproportionately high for Black Americans, of whom 23.2% ration insulin, compared with 16% of Hispanic and White Americans.[6] Hopefully soon, some of these patients will feel improvements in access and pricing due the policies that have been enacted, but many require further relief – the Senate’s work is far from complete.

Ensuring access

Alec Smith was 26 years old when he aged out of his parents’ health insurance.[7] He made just enough not to qualify for insurance subsidy or patient assistance programs, meaning, like many people without insurance, he was forced to face the full price for his insulin out of pocket. As a result, Alec rationed his insulin supply to wait to afford more, but within days, he died of ketoacidosis.

Any insulin legislation that would not have prevented this tragedy fails the Alec Smith test. It is vital that affordable insulin access is provided to everyone, including those who do not have insurance, in addition to those who are privately insured.

Lowering Prices

Since the 1990’s, insulin manufacturers have raised prices many times over for U.S. patients, as much as 1100%, despite their products remaining largely unchanged, and low production costs.[8]

While the Big Three insulin manufacturers, Eli Lilly, Novo Nordisk, and Sanofi, have committed to lowering the list prices of some of their insulins, these commitments do not apply to all insulins and prices can be raised again at any time. Additionally, to date few patients have been able to access the lower priced insulins promised.

Abusive pricing of insulin, which the very same corporations who sell insulin here sell for a fraction of the price in other wealthy countries,[9] has led to immense profits for these corporations at the cost of preventable suffering and death of people who need insulin, in addition to billions of dollars drained from government coffers and consumers’ bank accounts.

Any insulin legislation that fails to lower the list prices charged by insulin manufacturers would fail to hold these corporations accountable, in effect rewarding them for decades of price gouging.

Preventing Anti-Competitive Gaming

As pharmacy benefit managers (PBMs) demonstrated preferences for covering insulin products with higher list prices to secure larger rebates, insulin manufacturers responded by raising prices in lockstep.[10] Patients who pay out of pocket for all or a portion of list prices that have been sharply increased by drug corporations suffer under this scheme. In some cases, PBMs have continued to place branded biologics with higher list prices on preferred formulary tiers, essentially excluding lower-priced biosimilars and reducing potential savings for patients.[11]

Insulin legislation advanced through the Senate should put an end to perverse arrangements between drug corporations and middlemen that stifle potential savings from lower-priced insulins and put patients’ lives at risk.

Comprehensive insulin legislation must also target anti-competitive tactics drug corporations employ to unduly extend patent monopolies and delay biosimilar competition, including pay-for delay agreements, product hopping, and citizen petition abuses.[12]

Thank you again for your leadership in advancing reforms to increase access to insulin and other medicines and your dedication to passing laws to provide further relief for people with diabetes and other patients.

Sincerely,

Public Citizen

T1International USA

ACA Consumer Advocacy

American Economic Liberties Project

Arkansas Community Organizations

Be A Hero

Beta Cell Action

Center for Popular Democracy Action

Citizen Action of NY

Congregation of Our Lady of Charity of the Good Shepherd, U.S. Provinces

Consumer Action

Doctors for America

Families United For Affordable Insulin

Families USA

Generation Patient

Health Care Voices

Human Rights Watch

Indivisible

Initiative for Medicines, Access, and Knowledge (I-MAK)

Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility (ICCR)

Iowa Citizens for Community Action

Labor Campaign for Single Payer

Metro New York Health Care for All

MomsRising

Mutual Aid Diabetes (MAD)

National Advocacy Center of the Sisters of the Good Shepherd

National Association of Councils on Developmental Disabilities

New York State Council of Churches

Our Revolution

Patients For Affordable Drugs

People’s Action

Rise and Resist Healthcare Action Group

Salud y Farmacos

Social Security Works

The Democracy Collaborative

The Insulin Initiative

Unity Fellowship of Christ Church-NYC

Universities Allied for Essential Medicines (UAEM)

VOCAL-NY

Washington Community Action Network

cc: Members of the United States Senate

[1] https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/news/senate/insulin-price-caps-schumer-sanders-health-care-package

[2] https://www.help.senate.gov/hearings/the-need-to-make-insulin-affordable-for-all-americans

Note that the Lars Fruergaard Jorgensen, the President and CEO of Novo Nordisk, and Paul Hudson, the CEO of Sanofi, refused to make such a commitment.

[3] https://www.acpjournals.org/doi/full/10.7326/M22-2477

[4] https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0168822721003557

[5] https://www.acpjournals.org/doi/full/10.7326/M22-2477

[6] https://www.acpjournals.org/doi/full/10.7326/M22-2477

[7] https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/blood-sugar-rising/home/portraits/the-smithholt-family/

[8] https://www.nbcnews.com/business/consumer/desperate-families-driven-black-market-insulin-n730026

[9] https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA788-1.html

[10] https://www.finance.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/Grassley-Wyden%20Insulin%20Report%20(FINAL%201).pdf

[11] https://www.finance.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/Feldman%20Written%20Testimony%20.pdf

[12] https://aspe.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/2021-09/Competition%20EO%2045-Day%20Drug%20Pricing%20Report%209-8-2021.pdf




Civil Discourse with Joyce Vance


Newly Unredacted Parts of the Mar-a-Lago Search Warrant

JUL 7, 2023

On Wednesday, Federal Magistrate Judge Bruce Reinhart denied a request from several news organizations to release the entire affidavit DOJ submitted in support of its request to search Mar-a-Lago last August. But the judge did order DOJ to release a slightly less redacted version.

Here’s my favorite page in the less redacted version:

In this screen capture and others, the newly unredacted portions of the affidavit are in yellow highlight

Yes, Trump kept the classified material he walked out of the White House with in boxes. But what more is there behind the ominous black bars? How much stronger is the government’s evidence than what is publicly known? Was national security endangered more than the allegations in the indictment suggest? Are there as of yet publicly unidentified cooperating witnesses? There is no telling what’s behind all of those black bars.

There is a lot that’s still redacted, with intriguing glimpses like the one above into what the government shared with the judge. The government can’t just redact on a whim. It has to show its redactions are narrowly tailored to serve legitimate interests and are the least onerous alternative to sealing the entire affidavit. Here, the judge ruled that the government was entitled to redact portions of the affidavit to "comply with grand jury secrecy rules and to protect investigative sources and methods," which means there is almost certainly some very interesting information still hidden. But we did learn a little bit more in the newly unredacted bits. A lot of it has to do with the allegations about the different ways Trump and his co-defendant, valet Walt Nauta, tried to keep the classified information stored at Mar-a-Lago from coming to light. None of this is groundbreaking, but it does put some interesting flesh on the already meaty bones of the case.

The newly available portions of the affidavit confirm that DOJ became concerned there was more going on than just sloppiness or negligence on Trump’s part after they obtained security camera video from Mar-a-Lago. The video showed Nauta removing boxes from the storage area where Trump acknowledged he’d kept classified documents. The videos, which are mentioned in the indictment, showed that just ahead of a visit to Mar-a-Lago from DOJ officials to take possession of any remaining classified material there pursuant to a subpoena, Nauta removed 64 boxes from the storage area and placed them in various locations within Trump’s residence area. But he returned only 30 boxes. DOJ did the math.

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"[T]he current location of the boxes that were removed from the STORAGE ROOM area but not returned to is unknown," prosecutors told the court.

Why did the FBI, as reported, hesitate and even push back against getting a search warrant here? Had this been any other case with evidence of this nature not only meriting a search but mandating that one be done to protect national security, it’s difficult to envision that they would not have been the leading force.

Despite what the government knew about the missing boxes, Trump’s lawyer Evan Corcoran told DOJ "he was advised" all White House records were in the storage room, and "he was not advised" any records were in any of the private spaces where they were ultimately found when DOJ conducted its search. The use of the passive voice here is notable. It theoretically possible someone like Nauta conveyed this information to Corcoran, but in a matter like this, it’s highly unlikely that the lawyer would take the word of anyone other than his client, Donald Trump. Prosecutors most certainly asked Corcoran who told him this when he testified in front of the grand jury in March under a court order.

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This is why Judge Beryl Howell, in the District of Columbia, permitted prosecutors to pierce the attorney–client privilege with the crime fraud exception. While it’s possible that Corcoran was under notice from other sources that Trump had lied to him, the logical conclusion here seems to be that Trump was using the lawyers and the legal advice they gave him about how the subpoena process would work to conceal his crimes. One of the mysteries of the case is why any lawyer would remain in Trump’s employment, knowing that his client couldn’t be trusted to tell him the truth.

Some of the newly unredacted info confirms that the FBI and DOJ knew that “classified information was possessed in other areas of” Mar-a-Lago. It’s one thing to know boxes are missing. But this goes a step further, confirming that before the search warrant was obtained, the government knew there was classified information elsewhere at Mar-a-Lago. But how did they know it? It seems likely that there were cooperating witnesses involved. Again, the black bars prevent us from knowing the “sources and methods” of the government’s information. But it seems clear there are additional witnesses involved, perhaps employees of the club or perhaps people who had been in Trump’s offices or other parts of the residence.

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A sentence that was previously redacted at the end of paragraph 58 of the affidavit provided some interesting information. “Multiple documents also contained what appears to be FPOTUS’s handwritten notes.” This means Trump won’t be able to claim he never saw the documents—at best he could maintain the notes were written while he was in office. But if he resorts to that argument, he still has to explain how the documents ended up at Mar-a-Lago after they were in his hands.

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All in all, it’s not a lot of new information, but we’re seeing the depth in the government’s case and learning more about its strength. Perhaps most importantly, the release of these interesting pieces of information underscores just how much more there is that we don’t know. With the former president’s team beginning to get access to discovery, he’s in the process of learning just how strong it is. That may explain why we see him acting out even more than usual on social media.

On June 29, just hours after Trump posted President Obama’s Washington, D.C. address on Truth Social, one of Trump’s followers, Taylor Taranto, predictably picked up the gauntlet. He was arrested by the Secret Service in the neighborhood after livestreaming that he was looking for a way in. Taranto also faces misdemeanor charges in connection with January 6. His defense lawyers suggested during his detention hearing on those charges that prosecutors intend to bring felony charges in connection with the incident involving Obama. Taranto had two 9mm weapons, hundreds of rounds of ammunition, and a machete in his vehicle at the time of his arrest. An additional 18 firearms registered to Taranto were unaccounted for, and after he was arrested, information on his social media accounts was deleted, suggesting a possible accomplice.

Trump knows that when he speaks, his followers listen. That’s how the country ended up on the verge of chaos on January 6. Did he think some sort of payback was due to Obama as he learned more about the government’s case against him? Or was it a childish but highly dangerous temper tantrum? Trump’s followers are now harassing and threatening agents and prosecutors working on cases against him. The risk of someone being seriously harmed to salve the former president’s mounting insecurities is untenable. Trump’s behavior is unacceptable. And yet delay is already creeping into the Mar-a-Lago prosecution. Walt Nauta was only just arraigned Thursday, three weeks after Trump, on the thin veneer of an excuse that he couldn’t find a Florida lawyer to represent him.

Trump is increasingly a danger to the community, and courts and prosecutors would do well to treat him like one. He’s cornered. And there’s no telling what he won’t stoop to to try and save himself, or just to vent his anger.

We’re in this together,

Joyce

 




The GOP just tried to kick hundreds of students off the voter rolls

    This year, MAGA GOP activists in Georgia attempted to disenfranchise hundreds of students by trying to kick them off the voter rolls. De...