Thursday, July 23, 2020

POLITICO NIGHTLY: The pandemic’s shapeshifting economy






POLITICO Nightly: Coronavirus Special Edition
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IS THE U.S. ECONOMY TANKING AGAIN? Maybe the United States is sliding down the second slope of a W-shaped economic recovery as coronavirus cases surge. Or perhaps it’s in the flattening section of a reverse square root bounce. Or maybe we’ve hit the slow-rise portion of the Nike swoosh comeback.
Economists toss out all kinds of letters and shapes to discuss recovery from the brutal virus-induced recession. But they really have no clue where we are right now beyond one thing: This is obviously not the V-shaped bounce back predicted by hopeful Trump administration officials. Such a snap back never seemed plausible given the lack of a vaccine and the dice-rolling nature of most re-opening efforts.
While the future is badly befogged, some things are clear. The U.S. job market remains a hot mess with first-time jobless claims rising again to 1.4 million last week and a staggering total of nearly 32 million receiving jobless benefits. That’s about 20 percent of the entire U.S. job market, a completely unsustainable figure.
The stock market has regained much of the ground lost since February but a good bit of that likely reflects excessive optimism and earnings gains fueled by giant job cuts and other cost saving efforts. Bankruptcies are surging and will likely get worse.
Some of us told you months ago that we’d likely wind up in exactly this position given U.S. shortcomings on testing and tracing and the relatively limited scope of federal rescue efforts in comparison with the enormity of the problem. And now we are at risk of making matters even worse with Senate Republicans and the White House in a complete train wreck over how to structure a new aid package even as emergency jobless benefits begin to expire this weekend.
And things could look even worse when July jobs numbers come out early next month, putting more heat on Congress to act and further risking President Donald Trump’s polling advantage on the economy, which now appears mostly wiped out.
“The economy bounced back in May and June but it’s now gone sideways and I would not be surprised to see a net job loss in July,” Mark Zandi, chief economist at Moody’s Analytics, tells The Nightly. “I don’t expect the economy will go anywhere until the pandemic is over and there is a widely adopted vaccine. And if lawmakers wait more than a week or two to act there’s a very good chance we are back in recession.”
The question then would become just how bad a double dip recession could be . That depends in significant part on how bad the virus gets and how long it takes to get a vaccine. If it rages out of control and forces massive new lockdowns — a relatively unlikely scenario given nobody wants to do it — the second dip could at least rival the first, which is expected to show a gross domestic product decline of an annualized 35 percent or so in the second quarter.
The more likely outcome is that limited new lockdowns and nervous consumers mute the expected bounce in the third and fourth quarters as more businesses fail. The unemployment rate could also nudge up once again after falling to 11.1 percent in June from a high of 14.7 percent in April. All of which would mean a slower and more painful recovery — and less bounce for Trump this fall — with limited fiscal room or political will to pour in more federal money to absorb massive and persistent joblessness.
And if people aren’t having their incomes replaced or finding new jobs, that would set the stage for the ripple effects of more credit card, auto and home loan defaults and tighter credit standards, all of which could get dumped in the lap of the next administration if current poll numbers persist.
Welcome to POLITICO Nightly: Coronavirus Special EditionRenu is on the move, but her inbox is still right here. Reach out rrayasam@politico.com or on Twitter at @renurayasam.

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FIRST IN NIGHTLY
CHRISTIE HITS K STREET — Chris Christie dreamed of becoming president. Now, he’s settling for a different role in Washington: lobbyist. The former New Jersey governor is making big money from businesses trying to tap the gusher of coronavirus relief funds coming from the federal government.
Newly filed disclosures show Christie’s firm pulled in $240,000 in less than three months for lobbying the Trump administration on coronavirus aid on behalf of three New Jersey hospital systems and a Tennessee-based chain of addiction treatment centers, Theodoric Meyer and Adam Cancryn report. Christie appears to be leaning on his ties to the Trump administration as he makes his way on K Street. In a pitch to consult for Puerto Rico’s Fiscal Agency and Financial Advisory Authority earlier this year, Christie bragged that he had served as chairman of Trump’s transition effort to staff the federal government — leaving out that he was ousted days after Trump unexpectedly won the 2016 election.
Christie is hardly the first former governor to land on K Street. But it’s unusual for a former presidential candidate who hasn't ruled out running again to become a lobbyist, especially without joining a major Washington firm. And he’s off to a fast start pulling in business: Christie only registered to lobby for the first time last month, in the middle of a lobbying boom fueled by the federal government’s multi-trillion-dollar response to the pandemic.

DON'T MISS - POLITICO'S NEW "FUTURE PULSE" NEWSLETTER: The coronavirus pandemic accelerated long-simmering trends in health care technology and one thing is certain: The health care system that emerges from this crisis will be fundamentally different than the one that entered. From Congress and the White House, to state legislatures and Silicon Valley, Future Pulse spotlights the politics, policies, and technologies driving long-term change on the most personal issue for voters: Our health. SUBSCRIBE NOW.


COVID-2020
RNC LEAVES NORTH FLORIDA — Trump announced today he was canceling Republican National Convention keynote events set to be held in Jacksonville, Fla., next month, as the state continues to grapple with a surge in coronavirus cases, breaking news reporter Caitlin Oprysko writes.
"I told my team it‘s time to cancel the Jacksonville, Fla., component of the GOP Convention," Trump said during a coronavirus briefing at the White House, explaining that “it's just not the right time“ to hold a "big, crowded convention."
The convention‘s official business meetings were always scheduled to remain in Charlotte, N.C., and Trump said today that those would go on as planned.
But the party's big events, including Trump’s prime-time nomination speech, which the party decided to move to Jacksonville only last month, will move online, the president said.
Nightly video player of President Donald Trump press conference
AROUND THE NATION
Researchers at Georgia Tech launched an interactive site so that users can visualize and assess the risk that people with Covid-19 will be present at a wedding, party or other event they are planning to attend. Nightly's Myah Ward talked to the lead developer, Joshua Weitz, a professor of biological sciences, about the Covid-19 Event Risk Assessment Planning Tool and what he wants it to accomplish. This conversation has been edited.
How’d you come up with the idea?
In March, as cases began to increase, friends and colleagues began to ask me: What are the odds of going to an event and having someone there, potentially with Covid, who can then pass it on to others?
And so we decided to take this mathematical idea and turn it really into a localized county level map that personalizes and localizes questions, so that people could have an intuition for what ongoing risks were and how those risks changed as the event size changed.
Can you walk me through how you calculate risk?
The percentages you see on the map denote the chance that one or more individuals may have Covid-19 in an event of a particular size. If you go to Fulton County, Ga., and at 100 individuals, the event risk level is going to be quite high, above 90 percent. But as I drop the event size, for example down to 25, and ask that same question, you'll see the entire map scales in color because the risk is lower.
We take the per capita risk, and we use that per capita risk to imagine that many people showing up — drawn at random from the county, so there's an assumption that it's homogeneous — and we use that to do a simple calculation of the chance that just one of those may have Covid-19.
Once you get large gatherings above 100 or 500 or certainly 1,000, you have to have very low percentages at a per capita level to make sure that no one amongst that very large group of people has Covid-19. That does not mean there's going to be a transmission, it just means that there's a risk of exposure.
How could you apply this to school reopenings?
If we have a community spread level of a percent or half a percent right now — a college of size 10,000 could have 100 or so imported cases. Those imported cases could rapidly spread if we don't do entry testing, if we’re not taking the precautions to wear masks, if we're not taking other precautions to reduce direct contact.

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FROM THE HEALTH DESK
WHICH WAY WILL THE CURVE BEND — A monthlong resurgence in Covid-19 cases appears to be hitting a peak, but a new forecast of the coronavirus’ trajectory is fueling conflicting interpretations about whether the worst is over.
Slowing caseloads in Florida and Arizona have fanned a narrative that the worst of the disease spread is cresting in some of the nation’s worst hot spots — repeating a pattern seen in early June, health care reporter Tucker Doherty writes. But public health experts on Thursday issued new warnings that the virus is still spiraling out of control, only in the form of a rolling series of outbreaks in almost half the states, with more troubling signs in many others.
The U.S. now regularly records more than 60,000 coronavirus infections per day and logged its 4 millionth case on Thursday, according to a tracker from Johns Hopkins University. The latest forecast from health experts portrays a country besieged by an outbreak shifting north and toward the coasts – as one set of hot spots begin to cool, new ones emerge. Instead of finally bending the curve, infections could plateau at unmanageably high rate or spiral further out of control.
ANOTHER TRIAL FAILURE FOR HYDROXYCHLOROQUINE — The coronavirus drug frequently touted by Trump and his trade advisor Peter Navarro failed in another large clinical trial in mild and moderate Covid-19 patients in Brazil, researchers reported today in the New England Journal of Medicine. The results are just the latest in a string of negative trial results, health care reporter Zachary Brennan writes. Navarro has pushed for the FDA to re-issue the emergency authorization the agency retracted in June. Last week, results published in the Annals of Internal Medicine from a placebo-controlled study of almost 500 patients showed that hydroxychloroquine “failed to show a substantial clinical benefit in improving the rate of resolution of Covid-19 symptoms.” Data from a randomized, controlled trial in Spain of 293 patients, published last week in Clinical Infectious Diseases, also showed no benefit.
THE DOCTOR IS DIGITAL — Virtual health care has surged during the coronavirus pandemic. Will it last? In the latest POLITICO Dispatch, health care reporters Mohana Ravindranath and Dan Diamond explain how the virus could change the future of medicine.
Play audio
Chatsworth House guide Lizzie Ross poses for the media and adjusts a social distancing sign in the Painted Hall as the stately home prepares to reopen to the public in Bakewell, England.
Chatsworth House guide Lizzie Ross poses for the media and adjusts a social distancing sign in the Painted Hall as the stately home prepares to reopen to the public in Bakewell, England. | Getty Images
TALKING TO THE EXPERTS
Can the economy reopen without the child care system up and running?
“The question is: How much is a lack of child care holding us back, versus how much are people still staying at home because they don’t want to get Covid? Even if child care is not holding us back in September or October, we are letting the whole child care system erode in such a way that it’s not going to be there for us when we are fully ready to go back.
“I see a world where we’re all vaccinated by next spring, and we’re ready to have every kid back in child care, back in school, back at camp — but now they’re starting from scratch, recruiting workers because all their workers have sort of disappeared or moved on. Where I really see the child care crisis holding us back is once we are ready to have all the jobs come back and we’re really ready to recover. Even though we’ll have opened the schools, opened the child care centers, the workers aren’t going to be there, the slots aren’t going to be there. I’m very concerned at how few policymakers seem to understand the potential for long-term damage.” — Betsey Stevenson, a labor economist at the University of Michigan and former member of President Barack Obama’s Council of Economic Advisers, as told to POLITICO Magazine’s Zack Stanton
ON THE HILL
IN DISARRAY With 30 million Americans unemployed and coronavirus cases spiking nationally, White House officials and Senate GOP leaders couldn’t even come to an agreement among themselves on a starting point for a new relief package, let alone begin bipartisan talks with Democrats, Marianne LeVine and John Bresnahan write.
They clashed over a payroll tax cut, more money for testing, unemployment insurance benefits and a raft of other measures to address the unprecedented economic slowdown. The planned unveiling of a new $1 trillion bill got delayed and delayed again. With Election Day only 103 days away, this is the last thing an embattled president and Senate majority needed to happen. Republicans acknowledged the bickering, even as they tried to downplay the episode.
“We have to resolve some of the conflicts with the administration. They moved in our direction.” said Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.), who faces a tough race in November. “It's a normal part of the sausage factory.”

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ASK THE AUDIENCE
Nightly asks you: Have you gotten tested for Covid-19? Do you want to get tested but are unable to? Tell us your testing experience. Send us your story with our form and we’ll include some of the responses in Friday’s Nightly.
NIGHTLY NUMBER
23 days
The amount of time until Trump throws out the first pitch at the New York Yankees-Boston Red Sox baseball game in the Bronx on August 15. Trump announced the move at today’s press conference.
PARTING WORDS
Anthony Fauci, director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, throws out the ceremonial first pitch prior to the game between the New York Yankees and the Washington Nationals at Nationals Park in Washington.
Anthony Fauci, director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, throws out the ceremonial first pitch prior to the game between the New York Yankees and the Washington Nationals at Nationals Park in Washington. | Getty Images
TAKE ME OUT OF THE BALLGAME — Nightly’s Tyler Weyant writes:
If you live around Nationals Park in Washington long enough, as I have for a number of years, you are able to mark the passage of time by what you see every day: Scalpers settling into their usual spots on Half Street outside of the metro station. Folks who have had one too many beverages being not-so-kindly asked to leave the Bullpen, a set of bars and throngs of people amid stacked shipping containers. And, of course, Nats fans milling about, rooting for the home team.
The scenes following last year’s World Series victory led many to anxiously await the return of baseball and those regular rhythms around the ballpark. No one quite thought it would play out this way: Tonight, weather permitting, the New York Yankees are in D.C. to start a planned 60-game season without a fan in the stands.
We’ve all pondered what the return of sports without fans means to so many facets of both the games and the cities and supporters that watch them. (I have done so in this very space!) And it seems as though D.C. is trying to retain some semblance of normalcy: The Bullpen is still open, albeit with reservations needed, and city guidelines enforced. The racing of giant presidents will still take place in the fourth inning, but via a pre-filmed contest outside the ballpark. And there was still a first pitch, from Anthony Fauci, a newly household name in 2020 who’s made no secret of his baseball allegiances.
But it won’t be the same, because we won’t be there. We won’t crowd onto the Green Line trains and debate Juan Soto’s greatest plays (much less his positive Covid test). We won’t walk along the Anacostia and admire a summer night before heading in to buy an incredibly pricey hot dog. Sure, we’ll watch, but the absence of us creates a void in the game. What is America’s pastime without Americans there to view it?
Covid has taken so much and so many from us, and to be transported out of that by a baseball game for even a moment is reason enough to crack a smile. But for the people of Washington, who poured into the autumn air to celebrate a world championship last year, they don’t need George Will-esque prose to describe the mood upon the sport’s return. Are we glad baseball’s back? Sure. But overall? This sucks. We can’t wait to properly celebrate, hopefully in the not-too-distant future

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RSN: FOCUS: If Trump Wins, It Is the End of Democracy





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FOCUS: If Trump Wins, It Is the End of Democracy
President Trump. (photo: Getty)
Chauncey Devega, Salon
Excerpt: "NYU fascism expert explains the next moves in Trump's 'authoritarian playbook' - and says it's almost too late." 

t the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington, there's a poster which identifies "The 12 Early Warning Signs of Fascism." 
Here are the criteria:
  1. Powerful and continuing nationalism

  2. Disdain for human rights

  3. Identification of enemies as a unifying cause

  4. Rampant sexism

  5. Controlled mass media

  6. Obsession with national security

  7. Religion and government intertwined

  8. Corporate power protected

  9. Labor power suppressed

  10. Disdain for intellectuals and the arts

  11. Obsession with crime and punishment

  12. Rampant cronyism and corruption
This in too many ways is America in the Age of Trump.
Trump and his regime are engaged in a white supremacist counterrevolution against the civil rights movement, in which the human rights of nonwhite people are being revoked. This includes a recent effort to circumvent the Constitution by deeming that undocumented immigrants (overwhelmingly Black and brown people) should be erased from the population for purposes of congressional representation.
Trump and his regime have no respect for the rule of law, the Constitution, the Bill of Rights or democratic norms and principles more generally. Trump has repeatedly suggested that he will not respect the outcome of the 2020 election if he does not win.
In a predictable escalation, Trump — through Attorney General William Barr — has ordered that the regime's thugs be deployed to other Democrat-led cities to enforce "law and order." It is entirely plausible that Trump's secret police will also be used to help him steal the presidential election.
Chad Wolf, the acting secretary of Homeland Security, recently announced that the forces under his command may  "proactively" arrest people for crimes they have not yet committed. Such dystopian logic mixes George Orwell's "1984" with Philip K. Dick's "Minority Report."
TrumpWorld also reflects the horrible surrealism of the film and novel "Children of Men" turned into a lived experience for America and the world. Writing at the New Statesman, Gavin Jacobson observes:
The way the film extrapolates from the here and now is the reason the late cultural theorist Mark Fisher thought "Children of Men" was unique. Writing in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, Fisher understood the film as a true depiction of what he called "'capitalist realism': the widespread sense that not only is capitalism the only viable political and economic system, but also that it is now impossible even to imagine a coherent alternative to it."

"Children of Men" does not take place at the end of the world, which has already happened, but within its chilling coda, where, as Fisher writes, "internment camps and franchise coffee bars co-exist". There is no desire to create alternate ways of living, or to make the end of times less awful. ...

The idea that we're out of time is what makes "Children of Men" both a mirror and augur of the world, and the world to come. At the end of history, cut off from its past and pessimistic about the future, and facing slow death under rising tides, humanity has resigned itself to a somnambulant life. It is a life of finitude, routine and conformity; one without vision, spontaneity or surprise, where we no longer seek to live larger lives or even strive for our continued existence. We have become Nietzsche's "last men".
Facing the onslaught of neo-fascism, the American people remain stuck in a state of denial, learned helplessness and fear. Donald Trump and his movement have American democracy and civil society in a chokehold.
Ruth Ben-Ghiat is a professor of history and Italian studies at New York University and an expert in fascism and authoritarianism. She is the author of "Fascist Modernities: Italy 1922-1945" and "Italian Fascism's Empire Cinema" and other books.
Her opinion essays and other writing have been featured by CNN, the Washington Post, The New Yorker and the Atlantic. Ben-Ghiat's new book is "Strongmen: From Mussolini to the Present," to be published in November.
In this conversation she warns that Trump's threats of violence against the American people — including against leading Democrats like Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton — are very real. Ben-Ghiat also explains that the American news media normalized Donald Trump because most journalists are unable to admit that the United States is a failing democracy.
Ben-Ghiat details how the American people (and America's political elites) remain in denial about the realities of neo-fascism and autocracy, because to admit the truth would mean confronting the fact that they must take action against such forces — and have not done so.
You can also listen to my conversation with Ruth Ben-Ghiat on my podcast "The Truth Report" or through the player embedded below.
This conversation has been edited for clarity and length.
The mainstream news media is finally using the words "fascism" and "authoritarianism" to describe Donald Trump and his regime. I have been using such language since Trump's campaign in 2015. You and other historians, political scientists, philosophers, mental health experts and others have also been sounding the alarm about Donald Trump and what he represents. We were largely ignored and branded as being hysterical. How does it feel to see the proper language finally being used to describe Trump and the threat he represents?
I'm divided. I'm disgusted with how bad things have become in this country. I remember the first time I saw the word "authoritarian" on a chyron for CNN. It was actually because Sen. Cory Booker, who's been very smart about this crisis, was speaking and he used the word. CNN finally displayed the word on the screen, and I thought to myself, "Oh my God, the efforts of many of us are finally getting into the system."
Historians and others have been trying to engage in civic education, to help the public and journalists understand that yes, it can happen here. Ultimately, to see CNN and other major media outlets finally use the word "authoritarianism" to describe Donald Trump and this administration means that things are really bad in America right now.
Unfortunately, those voices in the mainstream American news media who are finally describing the Trump regime in those terms then fail to engage in a substantive discussion of the implications. 
I think it's difficult for people to digest what that would mean, for a few reasons. One is that we are still operating with an old-fashioned idea of what authoritarian countries are like. That is one of the reasons I use the word "fascistic" as opposed to "fascism" to describe Donald Trump. When we use the word "fascism" most people think of an instant shutdown of democracy and brown shirts and other political thugs in the streets.
Many people will also rebut the claim that Trump is fascist by using superficial examples such as "There's still a free press. People can still speak out." The reality is that today's authoritarianism works differently than it did in previous incarnations. Today's version of fascism does not need one-party states, for example. In discussing Trump and fascism, it is more effective to talk about how it operates at present.
What would the narrative be if the American media were covering the events which are taking place under Donald Trump, but in another country? 
What is going on corresponds to what I call the authoritarian playbook. Donald Trump is not interested in governing the United States.  He's in office to enrich himself off public office, help his cronies and build his personality cult. Again, people are anchored to an old-fashioned understanding of what the presidency should be in a democratic country. It is very hard for the public to make the leap to how Trump is a fundamental break from American tradition.   
Now, if we start explaining how America is in fact in an authoritarian situation with Donald Trump and his administration, then another question arises. One of the reasons so many people are scared is that to admit the truth about Trump and authoritarianism then means they have to do something about it. Many people do not want to take that leap.
Yes, there are protesters in the streets. But the American business elite also must make that leap by accepting the reality of the situation. History teaches us that it is conservatives who support authoritarians and their rise to power. The American business elites are going to have to change how they think. They are going to have to speak out against American authoritarianism and Trumpism. American business elites have to make a decision about where they stand relative to Trump and authoritarianism. 
The American people are going to need to make decisions about where they stand as well. It is easier to not make a decision. It is easier to just flip the channel, shift the topic, and pretend Trump and American authoritarianism are not really happening.
There is this cadre of establishment journalists, analysts and other members of the chattering class whom I describe as "hope peddlers." They are always trying to spin some happy story about a return to normalcy. They are also many of the same people who are stenographers of current events but not really speaking truth to power. We see this with much of the horse-race journalism regarding the 2020 election. They are operating from the wrong playbook for understanding authoritarianism and a failing democracy. One obvious example is the widespread assumption that there will even be a real election on Nov. 3. 
Americans have no experience with authoritarianism and a failing democracy. America has never been invaded by a foreign power and occupied. Americans have never had a dictatorship. Of course, there is the obvious exception of black Americans and their experience with Jim Crow, slavery and oppression. But as a national lived experience for most Americans, the country has not experienced a dictatorship or anything like it.
White Americans are now discovering what people of color have long known, that we do not have a real democracy in this country. Many Americans are finding it very difficult to wake up from the stories they learned in school about this being the freest nation in the world and a successful democracy.
At what point is it to late to save a democracy that is falling into authoritarianism?
Historically, when there are people who have signed on to their roles within an authoritarian fascistic state it is very hard to dislodge such people. They cling to the status quo of the corrupt leader for dear life. This happens because of cronyism and corruption. Everyone involved with the regime is made complicit.
Of course, this is what happened in Putin's Russia and other authoritarian states. The system is one of mutual complicity. That means not wanting to rock the boat because the whole system could come tumbling down. For example, if you think about Nancy Pelosi and Chuck Schumer and how the public was waiting for them to start the impeachment against Donald Trump, there was a clear sense that they did not want to cause fundamental disruption. Why? Because the American political class is intertwined.
There was a sense earlier on with Trump that nobody wanted to rock the boat. I do think we as a country are in a different place now, given all that has happened with the Trump administration.
But the whole situation in America right now is still too upsetting and too uncertain for most people. The country's elites and the people in their circle know they could lose their privileges. They will potentially lose their careers. They'll have to make compromises. The hope-peddling which involves just staying the course is much more appealing. That is the reason why Nancy Pelosi recently said, "No, we're not going to impeach Barr. We're going to let the people speak through the election." That is the mentality of the country's political elites and a fear of rocking the boat too much.
Trump is very obvious. There is no subtlety in his threats of violence against the Democrats and his other "enemies," which include any Americans who dare to disagree with him and his movement. Why is still there so much denial of this reality by the American people and political leaders?
Sometimes people simple do not know what to do. They feel powerless. They can become numb because Trump and his agents are flooding the zone with waste, as Steve Bannon said of his right-wing takeover strategy. Therefore, it becomes very difficult to react to any one single crisis.
The huge danger is that it is quite probable that Donald Trump will be elected again. Trump will in fact try to put Barack Obama on trial. Trump is obsessed with him. Trump's obsession is not unlike that of other right-wing authoritarians with their predecessors.
Donald Trump is not kidding when he says he considers Barack Obama to be a traitor and wants to undo everything that Obama has done, to literally try to cancel Obama. Donald Trump is not kidding when he says he wants to put Obama in prison. It is important to take Trump's threats seriously.
How do you locate Trump's threats of violence — and the actual violence by his street thugs and other enforcers — relative to other examples in history?
This is why it's important to have an up-to-date sense of how authoritarianism evolves. If we keep using the fascism of the Holocaust and World War II violence as the standard of judgment, then Donald Trump and leaders such as Hungary's Viktor Orbán and Turkey's Recep Tayyip Erdogan are always going to look good. For example, mass detention rather than mass killing is the way that many authoritarians today operate.
The conditions in some of Trump's detention centers for migrants, refugees and other undocumented people have been labeled by outside observers as constituting torture. Many things that are happening right now in America under Trump resemble the security techniques that America used on other countries. One of the ironies of the Trump era is that all of that American military might that supported right-wing authoritarians abroad for decades is coming home to roost.
How did you interpret the rapid series of events with Trump's response to the George Floyd protests, his retreat to the White House bunker, the military's de facto refusal to follow Trump's orders for martial law, and the attacks he ordered on protesters?
It is a compressed cycle of many things that happen when authoritarians start to fall from power. There is the fleeing into the bunker and the protests — which are not only about Trump, they're about entrenched institutional racism. The protests continue because the American people know that there is an actual white supremacist in the White House. With the fleeing into the bunker there is also the retaliation, the barrage against the public from the leader. That is Trump's order to use the military against the protesters in Washington.
There is also another dimension to this cycle, elite defections. Members of the government start to speak out. There are people who finally decide that the leader has gone too far.  
There was a hint of this with Gen. James Mattis speaking out against Trump's use of the military in the United States against the American people and his threats of martial law. Gen. Milley, chairman of the Joint Chiefs, publicly said, "I was wrong. I shouldn't have been used for this photo-op."
Trump's photo-op, where he tried to look strong by walking to the church across the street from the White House after the attack on the protesters, was also right out of the authoritarian playbook. These events are very revealing as to how far Trump will go to stay in power — and the potential dissent and resistance from the highest levels of the United States military as well.
What is the role of death, masculinity and violence in a fascistic and/or authoritarian regime? 
These leaders, including Trump, genuinely do not care if you live or die. They could not care less. You are just a tool to be used so they can stay in power and enrich themselves. That's the premise. That is why they lead people into losing wars. They repress them. They do things that some people consider self-destructive — but in fact there is no greater power for the egocentric, narcissistic authoritarian than having people sacrifice themselves for him.
An example of this was Donald Trump daring people to go to his Tulsa rally with no masks on in the middle of a pandemic. This has not been stressed enough in terms of the public's understanding of Donald Trump. Trump engages in male domination games with everyone. Trump even did it to Mike Pence when he announced that Pence would be his running mate in 2016.
What greater ego rush for Donald Trump than to have his supporters risk their lives for the joy of listening to him speak in person? Donald Trump will gladly send the American people to their deaths — his own supporters included — because they are just tools for him. Traditional understandings of what it means to be president in a democracy do not account for this. The public does not want to comprehend the behavior of Donald Trump.
Why are so many people willing to die for Donald Trump? For that matter, why are so many of his supporters willing to kill for him? 
They are a death cult. During World War II, Germans killed themselves for Hitler. Trump shows how such things can happen even in a nominal democracy. The self-destruction for the leader makes it even more scary because it is voluntary. So many Republicans, Lindsey Graham for example, have prostituted themselves to Donald Trump. Of course such people have their own agendas and actually believe that they are using Donald Trump and not the other way around. No one is holding a death sentence over these people who have prostituted themselves to Donald Trump. It is not like one of the other authoritarian regimes where supporting the leader was and is a literal matter of life and death. Trump just fires people. In other countries a person who the leader was done with would be put in prison or killed.
If Putin is displeased with somebody, he finds a way to put them in prison, or sometimes poison them. The stakes in the United States with Trump are so much lower at present. What is going to happen to someone who stands up and does the right thing? They might not have as great of a career. They might not be asked to sit on boards of directors. They'll lose out on some money. They might be shunned at their church. But overall, it is not a life and death situation. It is a very sad situation that more people from Trump's administration and the United States government do not speak out. It is a spectacle of the cravenness of humanity that we are all seeing in the Trump era.
Let us assume that there is a presidential election in November and that Trump is defeated by Joe Biden. What happens next?
Authoritarian leaders do not experience defeat like other types of people. They are not normal people who would just give up the office and step down. Defeat is a form of psychological annihilation for a leader like Donald Trump. For men like Trump, authoritarians, their sense of self-worth is completely determined by adulation and having the power to bully people. It makes leaders such as Donald Trump feel good.
If authoritarian leaders feel that power is being taken away from them, they get very angry. They will do desperate things to prove to themselves that they are still loved. I would expect him to energize right-wing gun fanatics to create civil unrest because he wants to show the American people — his supporters — that without him being president the country will truly descend into anarchy. I would be very surprised that if Trump lost on Election Day to Joe Biden, he doesn't do horrible things. It is the only way that he can show himself, in his own fantasy world, that he truly is the savior of the country.
What advice would you give to the American people about the next few months and how to prepare for what may happen with Trump and the election?
All of our tweeting and all the things we do digitally do not mean anything if the American people cannot vote. Volunteer to help register voters. Help people make sure they are on the eligible voter lists. If there is an overwhelming Biden victory on Election Day, it becomes much harder for Donald Trump to successfully find a way to stay in office.










PAY-TO-PLAY IN OHIO




Folks, there is a post going around under my name that I DID NOT WRITE. It sounds like my tone, and even takes lines from at least one of my letters, but it is NOT MINE. I have never compared Trump's tactics to Hitler's, or spoken of the Night of the Long Knives.
This is classic disinformation. It takes your trust in my word-- a trust I have built very carefully for ten months-- and uses it against you, pushing you to a conclusion that I do not endorse.
Unless you see a post here, on my page, ASSUME IT IS NOT FROM ME. You can search old posts either here on on the substack page, which is at heathercoxrichardson.substack.com , if something doesn't quite sound like me.
Please, please, please be suspicious as we approach this election. We know bad actors are at work. Please don't help them.
Heather (the real one).



One of the day’s biggest stories came from Ohio, where the House speaker, Republican Larry Householder, and four other political operatives, were arrested by federal officials for racketeering. U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of Ohio David DeVillers said the case was “likely the largest bribery money laundering scheme ever perpetrated against the people of the state of Ohio.”
Householder and his accomplices allegedly accepted more than $60 million in exchange for a public bailout for an ailing company. The bailout was worth more than $1 billion.
Ohio Governor Mike DeWine (R) immediately demanded Householder resign. So did Ohio Republican Party Chairwoman Jane Timken, who tried to spread the blame by saying "Greed, lust for power, and disdain for ethical boundaries are not unique to any particular political party.”
Her words were, perhaps, unfortunate, because her description was one that many people would use for the president. That Trump is right now trying to argue that the Republican Party stands for “LAW & ORDER,” when a Republican leader in Ohio is arrested for a “pay-to-play” scheme is a coincidence that undercuts his message. ("This was pay-to-play,” said DeVillers in a news conference. “I use the term pay-to-play because that's the term they've used as alleged in the affidavit.”)
It was a moment that seemed to crystalize today’s politics: an elected official accepted a huge bribe in exchange for using taxpayer money to bail out a crony's failing business. It reminds me of the Teapot Dome scandal of 1922, when the Secretary of the Interior, Albert Fall, leased the oil production rights from naval oil reserves at Teapot Dome, Wyoming and Elk Hills, California to oil companies in exchange for large financial gifts. When the story came out, Fall became the first U.S. Cabinet official to go to prison.
The Teapot Dome scandal seemed to epitomize the administration of the president at the time, Warren G. Harding, although Harding himself was not implicated in that particular scandal. He had created an atmosphere in which the point of government was not to help ordinary Americans, but to see how much leaders could get out of it.
This same attitude is crippling today’s government as it tries to deal with the fallout from the coronavirus pandemic. Part of the reason that Trump and Republican leaders are hastening people back to work despite the spiking infections is that many Republican-led states do not have social welfare systems in place to support people through more weeks of lockdown, and Republican leaders do not want to develop them.
We are approaching a new crisis. At the end of July, the emergency unemployment benefits put into place in an early coronavirus bill will expire, leaving more than 20 million Americans unable to make ends meet and thus vulnerable to eviction, which would trigger another wrench in the already-ailing economy. At the same time, local and state governments, badly hit by falling tax revenues, will need to make cuts, as well, which will further stress the economy.
In May, Democrats used their majority in the House of Representatives to pass a $3 trillion spending package to provide another round of stimulus checks to individuals, give money to hospitals, and support state and local governments. Led by Republicans, the Senate refused to take the bill up.
Now, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell is trying to write a Republican bill, but is running into the specific problem that Trump refuses to admit the coronavirus is a problem and the more general problem of a Republican ideology that opposes government funding for a basic social safety net.
Trump continues to maintain that the only reason we have so many coronavirus infections is because we are testing for them. He wants to block funding for the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, as well as money for testing and contact tracing. At the same time, he wants a payroll tax cut to stimulate the economy, and funding in the bill for a new FBI building.
More generally, Republican senators are mortified at the spending involved in a bill that focuses not on shoring up businesses, but rather on supporting ordinary Americans. “What in the hell are we doing?” Senator Ted Cruz (R-TX) asked his colleagues. He warned that a large relief package would anger Republican voters in the November elections. Senator Tom Cotton (R-AR) disagreed about the means, but not the end. He told his colleagues that if the Republicans don’t do enough to save the economy, Democrats will win in November and put in place policies that will cost even more money. A rescue bill now could save money in the long run by keeping Republicans in power.
As they calculate, the national unemployment rate is over 11%. The unemployment rate in cities is closer to 20% as the coronavirus has shut down restaurants, theaters, gyms, and so on. And our vulnerability to Covid-19 increases. Almost 4 million Americans have been infected with coronavirus, and more than 140,000 have died of it.
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Notes:

















BREAKING: Elon Musk’s gamble BLOWS UP in his face PAY ATTENTION! ELECT CLOWNS EXPECT A CIRCUS!

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