Wednesday, May 27, 2020

RSN: FOCUS: Leonardo DiCaprio's Big Middle Finger to the Confederacy









Reader Supported News
27 May 20

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FOCUS: Leonardo DiCaprio's Big Middle Finger to the Confederacy
Leonardo DiCaprio. (photo: Angela Weiss/Getty Images)
Nick Schager, Yahoo! News
Schager writes: "Grant, a History Channel miniseries airing over three nights beginning on Memorial Day, is an overt - and timely - reclamation project."


His reputation having faded over the past century because, as many here assert, the South’s “Lost Cause” rewriting of Civil War history invariably downplayed his accomplishments, Ulysses S. Grant is restored by this informative and entertaining TV documentary to the prototypical modern American hero. Based on Ron Chernow’s critically acclaimed 2017 biography of the same name, it’s a stirring tribute to an individual who embodied America’s finest ideals: hard work, determination, courage, resolve, and belief in democracy and equality for all, no matter the color of their skin.
Executive produced by Leonardo DiCaprio, and featuring participation from numerous historians, writers and servicemen, including Chernow, Ta-Nehisi Coates and David Petraeus, Grant is a non-fiction tale about the intertwined self-definition of a man and a nation. Born on April 27, 1822, Grant grew up the working-class son of an Ohio tanner and merchant, and found his first calling as an accomplished horseman. Disinterested in taking over the family business, and having garnered the nickname “Useless Grant” as a kid, he was sent—without being asked—to West Point, where a typo bestowed him with the middle initial “S” (rather than “H,” for Hiram), thereby resulting in the more patriotic “US Grant” moniker. The reconfiguration of Grant’s name would continue once he joined President Abraham Lincoln’s Civil War army, his initials eventually coming to stand for “Unconditional Surrender” Grant due to his habit of securing definitive victory over his adversaries.
The evolution of Grant’s handle goes hand-in-hand with the upwards trajectory of his life. Post-military school graduation, Grant entered the infantry, and soon fell in love with and married Julia Dent, the daughter of a family that owned slaves—a situation that caused some friction for Grant and his own abolitionist clan. Triumphs in the Mexican-American War proved that he was preternaturally cool under pressure, but in the years immediately following that conflict, Grant left the service and fell on hard times, to the point of taking various odd jobs just to make sure his family didn’t starve. Even at his most destitute, however, he hewed to his convictions, freeing his only slave, William Jones—given to him by his father-in-law.
The Civil War altered Grant’s fortunes forever, and after establishing the man’s backstory, this series roots itself in the commander’s rise up the ranks via a series of impressive and daring campaigns that confirmed his imposing mettle, intelligence, and strategic shrewdness. On the battlefields against a Confederate Army led by his fellow West Point graduate Robert E. Lee, Grant exhibited canny tactical acumen and equally formidable tenacity, taking immense gambits (such as at Vicksburg, hailed as his “masterpiece,” where he seized control of the Mississippi River) and often pursuing enemies into hostile territory in order to attain decisive wins. Grant began to develop into a legend in the thick of warfare, and it’s there that Grant spends the majority of its time, recounting in exhaustive detail the many clashes that marked his Civil War tenure, and the famously daring and clever maneuvers that allowed him to eventually secure victory for the Union.
Melding talking-head interviews and narrated excerpts from its subject’s memoirs with copious dramatic restagings of key events in his life, Grant’s formal approach takes some getting used to, especially at the outset. Fortunately, it settles into a rhythm, with its staged sequences providing momentum and weight to interviewees’ informative commentary about Grant’s exploits and mindset. From the catastrophic victory at Shiloh, to the heroic rescue at Chattanooga, to the bloody conflict in the Wilderness of Virginia, Grant’s recreations aren’t always as grand as one might like, resorting to soundbite-y dialogue and wannabe-mythic posing. Yet they’re sturdy and coherent complements to the show’s academic speakers, and they’re augmented considerably by excellent graphical maps and diagrams that lay out the specifics of Grant’s brilliant operations.
In the aftermath of his Civil War service (and his beloved President Lincoln’s assassination), Grant was elected America’s 18th commander-in-chief, and while in office, he became renowned for spearheading Reconstruction, creating the Justice Department, and using that arm of the government to battle and prosecute the Ku Klux Klan. Though slandered throughout his life as a drunk, a butcher and a corrupt would-be dictator (the last slur courtesy of an administration dogged by scandal), Grant makes the convincing case that he was, first and foremost, a noble patriot. A staunch defender of the Union, he was convinced of the necessity for emancipation for African-American slaves, and of the evil of the Confederacy, whose members he often referred to as “rebels” and “traitors” to the grand democratic experiment of the United States.
In this regard, Grant is an active attempt to rehabilitate the historical record, positing Confederate adversary Robert E. Lee as a symbol of the intolerant, aristocratic, treasonous old guard, and Grant as an emblem of a more open, just, unified modern America. Grant’s disgust for the Confederacy and the rancidness it stood for is on full display throughout this series, which pointedly contends that—good ol’ boy revisionism be damned—it was slavery, not simply the more euphemistic “states’ rights,” which drove the South to secede and take up arms against the Union. At the same time, Grant’s compassion and levelheadedness also remains front and center, epitomized by the lenient terms of surrender he ultimately offered to the defeated Lee, which helped him secure support throughout the South in the years following the end of the war.
Grant’s prolonged focus on the lieutenant general’s most famous wartime decisions means that the series is directly aimed at those with a fondness for in-depth military history. Nonetheless, the context it provides about Grant’s life, both as a young man and as an eight-year resident of the Oval Office, deepens its argument about the titanic nature of his achievements, and the greatness of his character—both of which make him, no matter the vantage point, one of the true, indispensable founders of the American republic.

















RSN: Paul Gottinger | Minneapolis Officers Who Killed George Floyd Had Histories of Shootings and Excessive Force





Reader Supported News
27 May 20



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Reader Supported News
27 May 20

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RSN: Paul Gottinger | Minneapolis Officers Who Killed George Floyd Had Histories of Shootings and Excessive Force
People hold up their fists after protesting near the spot where George Floyd was killed. (photo: Kerem Yucel/Getty)
Paul Gottinger, Reader Supported News
Gottinger writes: "Reports show that former officers Derek Chauvin and Tou Thao had histories of involvement in shootings, complaints, and a lawsuit for excessive force."

  TWITTER POST & VIDEO ON LINK
housands of protesters took to the streets on the south side of Minneapolis Tuesday following the police killing of unarmed African American George Floyd, which was captured on video. 
Protesters gathered at the location of Floyd’s killing and marched to the Minneapolis police department’s 3rd Precinct, where protesters believed the officers who killed Floyd worked. The protesters held signs that read “I can’t breathe” and “Justice for George.” 
Outside the precinct building, Minneapolis police in riot gear shot tear gas, flash-bang grenades, and rubber bullets into crowds of protesters, hitting journalists as well. Some of the projectiles hit protesters in the head, causing serious injury. 
Minneapolis City Council member Jeremiah Ellison called the police response “disgusting.” He tweeted:


The video of Floyd’s killing, captured by bystander Darnella Frazier, shows now former Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin kneeling on the neck of George Floyd for five minutes, as Floyd lies on the ground saying, “I cannot breathe” and “Don’t kill me.” 
In the video, bystanders shout that Floyd appears to be unconscious, yet Officer Chauvin continues to strangle him with his knee. The video later shows Floyd being carried away completely lifeless. He died a short time later. 
Minneapolis police released a statement claiming Floyd died due to a “medical incident,” which drew widespread outrage from the protesters.
“The police killed him, bro, right in front of everybody,” said Frazier, who filmed the incident. For “five, six minutes” after announcing he couldn’t breathe, Floyd was “sitting there dead.” 
Also filmed in the video is former Minneapolis police officer Tou Thao. In the video, bystanders asked him if he was just going to allow Chauvin to kill George Floyd. 
Minneapolis police have fired four officers involved in the killing, but they have yet to name the other two officers. The FBI has also begun an investigation into the killing. 
Reports show that former officers Derek Chauvin and Tou Thao had histories of involvement in shootings, complaints, and a lawsuit for excessive force. 
In 2006, Chauvin was involved in the shooting death of Wayne Reyes, according to Communities United Against Police Brutality. Reyes was fleeing officers when he was shot, according to reporting.
In 2008, Chauvin shot and wounded Ira Latrell Toles in the abdomen during a house call, and in 2011, he was placed on leave following his involvement in the shooting of a Native American man. 
There have also been 12 complaints made against Chauvin according to the Minneapolis’ Office of Police Conduct complaint database and the Minneapolis Civilian Review Authority. None of the complaints appears to have resulted in discipline.  
In 2006, a Minnesota correctional facility prisoner sued seven officers, including Chauvin, for violations of his federal constitutional rights. The case was dismissed. 
Former officer Tou Thao was sued for excessive force in 2017. According to the lawsuit, Thao and another officer stopped Lamar Ferguson and an eight-month pregnant woman without cause and searched Ferguson. The two officers then threw Ferguson to the ground and began punching and kicking him The officers then brought Ferguson to jail in just his underwear and a tee-shirt. 
The lawsuit was settled out of court for $25,000. 
In 2015, the Minneapolis police killing of Jamar Clark sparked weeks of protests in Minneapolis, including the occupation of the Minneapolis 4th Precinct station for 18 days.  
A recent study showed that Minneapolis police kill African Americans at thirteen times the rate of whites. 


Paul Gottinger is a staff reporter at RSN whose work focuses on the Middle East and the arms industry. He can be reached on Twitter @paulgottinger or via email.
Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.















The Malignant Cruelty of Donald Trump





Donald Trump doesn’t merely want to criticize his opponents; he takes a depraved delight in inflicting pain on others, even if there’s collateral damage in the process, as is the case with the Klausutis family. There’s something quite sick about it all.
The Malignant Cruelty of Donald Trump
The president is defaming the memory of a woman who died nearly 20 years ago—and inflicting pain upon her family today.
Peter Wehner May 26, 2020
Contributing writer at The Atlantic and senior fellow at EPPC
“I’m asking you to intervene in this instance because the President of the United States has taken something that does not belong to him—the memory of my dead wife—and perverted it for perceived political gain.”
There may be a more damning thing that’s been said about an American president, but none immediately comes to mind.
This sentence is from a heartbreaking May 21 letter written by Timothy Klausutis to Jack Dorsey, the CEO of Twitter, asking Dorsey to delete a series of tweets by Donald Trump. Klausutis is the widower of Lori Kaye Klausutis, who died nearly 20 years ago. (Timothy Klausutis, who never remarried, still lives in the house he shared with his wife.) The autopsy conducted at the time of Lori’s death confirmed that it was an accident; she had fainted as the result of a heart condition, hitting her head on a desk. There’s not a thimble of evidence of foul play.
But here’s where things go from being tragic to being twisted.
When Lori Klausutis died, she worked for then–Republican Representative Joe Scarborough. Today, Scarborough is a fierce critic of the president from his perch at MSNBC, where he co-hosts Morning Joe. That is why the president has been peddling a cruel and baseless conspiracy theory that Scarborough had Klausutis murdered.
This is a topic most journalists are inherently reluctant to cover, given the danger that it will draw more attention to a vile lie. But with the president and his son Don Jr., who between them have more than 85 million Twitter followers, sending out lunatic tweets and calling for “the opening of a Cold Case against Psycho Joe Scarborough,” human decency requires a response.
That Donald Trump would resort to conspiracy theories to attack his perceived enemies is hardly a revelation. After all, Trump employed a racist conspiracy theory against Barack Obama, which helped him gain political prominence in the Republican Party, and later claimed that President Obama had wiretapped his phones. During the 2016 primary, Trump linked Ted Cruz’s father, Rafael, to the assassination of President John F. Kennedy and retweeted a supporter who claimed that Marco Rubio was ineligible to run because his parents were not natural-born U.S. citizens. Trump suggested that the suicide of Vince Foster, a former aide to President Bill Clinton, and the death of former Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia were murders; that childhood vaccines cause autism; and that windmills cause cancer. He’s claimed that climate change is “a total and very expensive hoax” by China’s government, that a cybersecurity company framed Russia for election interference, that Ukraine was hiding Hillary Clinton’s missing emails, and that voter fraud cost him the popular vote in 2016. (Business Insider provided a useful summary of more than two dozen of Trump’s conspiracy theories in October.)
Conspiracy theories have long been evidence of Trump’s twisted psychology. He has always traveled quite easily from the real world to the twilight zone, depending on which reality suits his needs at the moment. And when someone holds him accountable—when someone calls him out for his incompetence and ethical wrongdoing—conspiracy theories often become his weapon of choice. At such moments, conspiracy theories are fine, but conspiracy theories with the added element of cruelty are even better. Which brings us back to the heartbreaking letter from Timothy Klausutis.
Donald Trump doesn’t merely want to criticize his opponents; he takes a depraved delight in inflicting pain on others, even if there’s collateral damage in the process, as is the case with the Klausutis family. There’s something quite sick about it all.
A lot of human casualties result from the cruelty of malignant narcissists like Donald Trump—casualties, it should be said, that his supporters in the Republican Party, on various pro-Trump websites and news outlets, and on talk radio are willing to tolerate or even defend. Their philosophy seems to be that you need to break a few eggs to make an omelet. If putting up with Trump’s indecency is the price of maintaining power, so be it. Will Trump’s white evangelical supporters—Franklin Graham Jr., Robert Jeffress, Eric Metaxas, Mike Huckabee, Ralph Reed—defend his behavior as the perfect embodiment of the New Testament ethic, the credo of Jesus, the message from the Sermon on the Mount? “Blessed are the brutal, for they shall inherit the Earth.”
Some people will argue that Trump’s promotion of this conspiracy theory is just his latest distraction, a shiny object to pull our focus away from the human and economic cost of COVID-19. Maybe. But I’m not at all convinced that this will help Trump politically.
Peter Wehner: The Trump presidency is over
Remember, Trump’s approval rating was often well under 50 percent even when the economy was doing well and America was at relative peace abroad. There’s plenty of evidence, including the 2018 midterm elections, that Trump’s dehumanizing tactics erode his support, especially among white suburban women. And I rather doubt that people will have forgotten Trump’s reckless handling of the pandemic by November; defaming the memory of a woman who died nearly two decades ago and causing renewed grief for her family isn’t likely to help him with most voters, either.
But whatever the political ramifications of this current lie being promulgated by the president, the rest of us need to name it, and to make Trump supporters own it. They are his, and he is theirs.
In his letter to Jack Dorsey, Timothy Klausutis wrote that his wife’s death, in 2001, was “the single most painful thing that I have ever had to deal with in my 52 years and continues to haunt her parents and sister.” He added:
I have mourned my wife every day since her passing. I have tried to honor her memory and our marriage. As her husband, I feel that one of my marital obligations is to protect her memory as I would have protected her in life. There has been a constant barrage of falsehoods, half-truths, innuendo and conspiracy theories since the day she died. I realize that may sound like an exaggeration, unfortunately it is the verifiable truth. Because of this, I have struggled to move forward with my life.
And this:
The frequency, intensity, ugliness, and promulgation of these horrifying lies ever increases on the internet. These conspiracy theorists, including most recently the President of the United States, continue to spread their bile and misinformation on your platform disparaging the memory of my wife and our marriage.
Near the end of his letter to Dorsey, asking him to delete Trump’s tweets—which Dorsey has declined to do—Klausutis wrote:
I would also ask that you consider Lori’s niece and two nephews who will eventually come across this filth in the future. They have never met their Aunt and it pains me to think they would ever have to “learn” about her this way.
My wife deserves better.
There is a wickedness in our president that long ago corrupted him. It’s corrupted his party. And it’s in the process of corrupting our country, too.
He is a crimson stain on American decency. He needs to go.
Peter Wehner is a contributing writer at The Atlantic, a senior fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center, and Egan visiting professor at Duke University. He writes widely on political, cultural, religious, and national-security issues, and he is the author of The Death of Politics: How to Heal Our Frayed Republic After Trump.



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