Showing posts with label BIPARTISANSHIP. Show all posts
Showing posts with label BIPARTISANSHIP. Show all posts

Saturday, May 29, 2021

POLITICO NIGHTLY: I know what you drove this summer



 
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BY MICHAEL GRUNWALD

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BIDEN’S EV CONUNDRUM — Experts say that gasoline prices this Memorial Day weekend will be the highest in seven years. Experts also say that if you drive an electric vehicle, you won’t care.

You probably don’t drive an electric vehicle, though, and President Joe Biden wants to change that. He’s proposed $174 billion in EV investments in his American Jobs Plan. He visited a Ford factory to promote the new all-electric F-150 Lightning pickup truck. “Look, the future of the auto industry is electric,” Biden said.

The present of the auto industry, however, is dominated by fossil-fueled internal combustion machines that generate constant mini-explosions under your hood. They’re much louder, less efficient and worse for the climate than plug-ins, but they’re still 98 percent of U.S. vehicle sales. That’s because they still have two major advantages over their electric rivals: Lower sticker prices and ubiquitous gas stations.

The sticker-price problem could be fairly simple to solve with government cash on the hood. EVs are already cheaper over their lifetimes than traditional cars, because they rarely require maintenance and don’t guzzle gas. Their up-front costs are also dropping, thanks to cheaper batteries and economies of scale. And there’s already a generous but oddly designed federal tax credit for EV purchases; it no longer applies to Tesla or General Motors plug-ins, because consumers liked them and bought too many of them.

Biden wants to supersize demand for EVs with $100 billion in new consumer incentives, which could increase America’s electric fleet tenfold. That’s doable. Ford expects 40 percent of vehicle sales to be electric by 2030, and as you may recall from Will Ferrell’s Super Bowl ad, most vehicle sales in Norway are already electric.

But there’s still the range anxiety problem, which isn’t so simple. The U.S. has fewer than 50,000 public chargers, including fewer than 5,000 fast chargers that can fill up a battery in less than an hour. As I learned on my first road trip in my Chevrolet Bolt, it’s stressful to drive an EV through a charging desert. And fast chargers can cost as much as $200,000 to install, which creates a chicken-and-egg dilemma: Private firms are slow to install them because there aren’t enough electric vehicles on the road to make them profitable, so consumers are slow to buy electric vehicles because there aren’t enough chargers to put them at ease.

“It’s still tough to get new chargers to pencil out,” said Cathy Zoi, a former Obama Administration energy official who now runs the charging company EVgo.

President Joe Biden stops to talk to the media as he drives a Ford F-150 Lightning truck at Ford Dearborn Development Center in Dearborn, Mich., on May 18, 2021.

President Joe Biden stops to talk to the media as he drives a Ford F-150 Lightning truck at Ford Dearborn Development Center in Dearborn, Mich., on May 18, 2021. | AP Photo/Evan Vucci

This is why governments usually step in and build infrastructure, and why Biden included $15 billion to build 500,000 charging stations in his infrastructure plan. But he didn’t include details, and getting chargers built is more complicated than giving consumers money.

Would they be expensive fast chargers for highways or cheaper slow chargers for neighborhoods? Would the focus be cities, where electric vehicles are already popular, or rural charging deserts? How much would private firms like EVgo have to contribute to the installation costs, and how much charging revenue would they get to keep?

Congressional Democrats haven’t answered those questions yet, and they might not have to bother. Sen. Joe Manchin of West Virginia, the likely 50th vote for any bill, has suggested that he doesn’t like the idea of publicly funded charging stations, arguing that Washington didn’t build gas stations for Henry Ford. And Biden has been trying to negotiate an infrastructure deal with Republicans who don’t like electric vehicles or anything else related to climate policy.

Biden wants the U.S. to be a carbon-neutral country by 2050, and the International Energy Agency just warned that sales of traditional vehicles would have to end by 2035 to make that possible. Change is in the air: Exxon’s shareholders just elected two dissident board members who vowed to take climate change more seriously, and a court in the Netherlands ordered Royal Dutch Shell to slash its carbon emissions.

But individual change can be even slower than political change. Americans may grumble about the high price of gas on Memorial Day, but they don’t seem desperate to stop paying it.

 

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Welcome to POLITICO Nightly. We’re off on Monday, May 31, for Memorial Day! Enjoy the long weekend! Reach out with news, tips and ideas for us at mgrunwald@politico.com and rrayasam@politico.com, or on Twitter at @MikeGrunwald and @renurayasam.

ON THE ECONOMY

BIDEN’S BUDGET MYSTERY — The budget plan the White House unveiled today projects economic growth of 2 percent or less per year for most of the next decade, after factoring in inflation. That’s not much different than the sluggish pace the U.S. endured in the decade after the financial crisis and Great Recession, a disappointing economic performance that damaged Barack Obama’s presidency, chief economic correspondent Ben White writes.

So where is the “Build Back Better” economic revolution that Biden and White House officials have talked up in recent weeks in selling their plans to spend roughly $4 trillion on infrastructure and on family programs?

Some analysts suggested that the administration is essentially admitting that its proposed surge in federal spending — which administration officials hope to offset over time with higher taxes on the rich and corporations — won’t actually boost the economy much at all. The underlying idea was that providing universal preschool, adding two years of free community college, and extending paid family leave and child tax credits — among other things — would increase productivity and drive more people, especially women, back into the labor force.

But the $6 trillion budget proposal released today doesn’t show much of a growth burst from all the proposed spending, including the infrastructure investments in the American Jobs Plan.

On a conference call with reporters to discuss the budget proposal, Council of Economic Advisers Chair Cecilia Rouse said the economic forecasts were made in February by the CEA, the Office of Management and Budget, and the Treasury Department. That was before the White House formally introduced the American Jobs Plan and the American Families Plan.

Other people close to the administration cited other reasons for the conservative numbers. They said some elements of Biden’s infrastructure and families plans — such as increased spending on green technology — could stoke the economy more than the budget proposal suggests but that current models cannot account for this potential growth.

 

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WHAT'D I MISS?

— Microsoft: SolarWinds hackers targeted 150 orgs with phishing: The state-backed Russian cyber spies behind the SolarWinds hacking campaign launched a targeted spear-phishing assault on U.S. and foreign government agencies and think tanks this week using an email marketing account of the U.S. Agency for International Development, Microsoft said. The effort targeted about 3,000 email accounts at more than 150 different organizations, Microsoft Vice President Tom Burt said in a blog post late Thursday.

— Biden’s last Cabinet member confirmed: The Senate today quickly confirmed Biden Cabinet nominee Eric Lander, a top geneticist and director of the Broad Institute of MIT and Harvard, to lead the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy.

— Feds say employers can offer vaccine incentives: Employers can offer incentives to their employees to get the coronavirus vaccine without running afoul of federal anti-discrimination law, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission said today.

— Senate punts on China bill over GOP objections: The Senate today agreed to delay final passage of a wide-ranging bipartisan bill aimed at confronting China after Republican senators forced a series of procedural hurdles that threatened to keep the chamber in session through the holiday weekend.

 

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PUNCHLINES

THE WEEK THAT WAS — Matt Wuerker is outside with his friendly neighborhood cicadas for his Memorial Day Weekend Wrap. Yum! Cicada tacos, anyone? Wuerker brings us the latest in political cartoons and satire, featuring Covid vaccine incentives, the Jan. 6 commission and Andrew Yang’s favorite Jay-Z song.

Courtesy of POLITICO

AROUND THE WORLD

IRISH EYES ARE SMILING — Ireland, which for months has maintained the toughest pandemic restrictions in Europe, has finally charted a path back to normal — which means it’s almost time to hit the pub.

Government plans published today clear the way for hotels and B&Bs to reopen June 2. Dining and drinking at restaurants and pubs can resume five days later, but only outdoors. To that end, key roads in central Dublin, Cork and Galway have been altered to restrict cars and create al fresco-friendly spaces.

The biggest leap is set for July 5, when bars and restaurants can start serving customers indoors for the first time since Christmas Eve. For several thousand pubs that lack food service and outdoor space, this will be their first chance to pour a pint since March 15, 2020.

The government plan also allows cinemas, gyms and swimming pools to reopen in early June, followed by heavily restricted admission for spectators at professional rugby, soccer and Gaelic sporting events.

 

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NIGHTLY NUMBER

11

The number of senators who missed the procedural vote today to establish a Jan. 6 commission. Senate Republicans blocked a bill today that would form an independent commission to probe the Jan. 6 Capitol riot, the first filibuster of the year by the chamber’s 50-vote minority. H/t Frank Thorp.

PARTING WORDS

BIDEN’S BIPARTISAN BLINDERS — Washington this week has been obsessed with the hunt for the elusive thing known as “bipartisanship.” Is there a bipartisan deal to be had on China? On infrastructure? When Senate Republicans filibustered the investigation into the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol — physical security surely being a bipartisan concern if there ever was one — our own Playbook moaned that “Dreams of a bipartisan, independent investigation into the Capitol insurrection are probably dashed for good.”

Senior media writer Jack Shafer asks: What dreams were those? Biden ran for president as the “apostle of bipartisanship,” as the New York Times put it, and ever since has been romancing Republicans at the White House hoping to convert them. But the two parties seem unable or unwilling to agree on anything substantive. The $1.9 trillion pandemic measure that Congress passed, and Biden signed, collected not a single Republican vote in either chamber. Today, Republicans and Democrats remain at partisan loggerheads over the “infrastructure” bill. Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell has stretched his 5-foot, 9-inch frame as far as it can extend to block H.R.1, the bill that would expand voting rights.

Why all the anguish over a lost ideal of cooperation? While it’s not necessarily a bad thing when the two parties harmonize, it’s not automatically a good thing, either. Often, terrible, awful things can also happen when Republicans and Democrats agree to agree. Other times, virulently partisan legislative solutions are the best policy. And if you look closely enough at the rosy, hazy past, you’ll find plenty of times when what looks like the pure ideal of bipartisanship turns out to be pure political horse-trading, as one party concedes a vote that’s not important to them to persuade the opposing party to forfeit a position they don’t particularly care about.

Paging through American history textbooks, it’s easy to find examples of bipartisanship we regret. The internment of citizens of Japanese descent? Bipartisan. The Patriot Act and the Iraq War? Bipartisan. The Gulf of Tonkin? The Defense of Marriage Act? The ultracomplicated tax code? President Bill Clinton’s crime bill? All bipartisan to the max. If only there had been a little less cooperation between the parties back then, and a little more critical examination of what they were actually voting on.

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Monday, November 16, 2020

RSN: FOCUS: Is Biden Walking Into a Republican Trap?

 

 

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FOCUS: Is Biden Walking Into a Republican Trap?
Joe Biden. (photo: Saul Loeb/Getty Images)
David Smith, Guardian UK
Smith writes: "The president-elect believes he can work with his opponents to achieve his goals. But is the era of bipartisanship over?"

ow do you expect to work with Republicans, Joe Biden was asked at his first press conference since winning the election, if they won’t even acknowledge you as president-elect? “They will,” he replied coolly. “They will.”

Whether this proves a triumph of optimism over experience – Biden has plenty of both – remains to be seen. The Democrat made his reputation for reaching across the political aisle one of the central tenets of his candidacy. He believes he can do it again when he takes office in January.

Yet this bitterly polarised and hyperpartisan Washington looks very different from the clubby Senate he joined in 1973. Biden, who turns 78 next week, seems likely to go head to head with Mitch McConnell, also 78, the Republican majority leader who ruthlessly blocked much of Barack Obama’s legislative agenda.

“He’s going to fall into a trap because he constantly talks about the good old days in the Senate,” said Larry Sabato, director of the Center for Politics at the University of Virginia. “‘He knows how to do it and he’ll bring Republicans in with Democrats.’ This is beyond naive. It’s delusional.

“He’s living in a past that was destroyed a long time ago and the remnants of it have been incinerated by Donald Trump. The cooperation just doesn’t exist except on things that aren’t controversial and that’s not where you need cooperation. You need cooperation to solve difficult problems, not the easy ones.”

During his 36-year career in the Senate, Biden earned admiration – and some criticism – for his commitment to bipartisanship, which included working with Republicans such as John McCain and delivering a eulogy at the funeral of Strom Thurmond, a segregationist “Dixiecrat” who opposed the 1957 Civil Rights Act.

Last year, speaking at a fundraiser in New York, Biden fondly recalled the “civility” of the Senate in the 1970s where he cooperated with Democratic senators committed to racial segregation. Even if they “didn’t agree on much of anything”, Biden said, “we got things done”.

During this year’s election campaign, Republicans such as John Kasich, the former governor of Ohio, rallied to Biden’s side against Trump. In his victory speech in Wilmington, Delaware, last Saturday, Biden promised to be the president of all Americans and called for an end to the “grim era of demonisation”.

Yet he will not enjoy the dominance of Washington that opinion polls had led some to hope. Democrats did hold the House of Representatives but Republicans are favored to retain control of the Senate heading into two runoff elections in Georgia in January. That would leave Biden as the first president since George HW Bush in 1989 to take office without controlling both chambers of Congress.

It would be likely to prove a reality check on dreams that Biden could emulate Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal with a historically ambitious agenda to address the multiple coronavirus, economic, racial justice and climate crises. Instead compromise on healthcare, immigration and tax rates seem be the order of the day.

Some observers remain optimistic that Biden, with his vast Senate experience, is ideally suited to meet the moment. Elaine Kamarck, a senior fellow in governance studies at the Brookings Institution thinktank in Washington, said during an online forum this week: “It has been a long time since we had a president of the United States who was as steeped in the legislative process and in legislative background as Joe Biden.

“He spent a lot of years in the Congress, he actually knows a lot about it and knows a lot of the members of Congress. I think you’d have to go back to Lyndon Baines Johnson to find a president who was as much a creature of the Congress as is Joe Biden. Second, Joe Biden likes to cut deals: he’s good at it. That’s one of the things he did in the Obama administration, so I suspect he will try very hard.”

Kamarck also detected hope for Biden in the small band of Republican senators who have broken from Trump by recognising him as president-elect. “Now, if I’m Mitch McConnell, I’m a little worried about that. That might be that there is a bloc that in fact could abandon me, particularly if Biden’s president and particularly if Biden plays his cards right and does manage to figure out a way to bring them in on an issue or two.”

Among these potential Republican rebels is Susan Collins, who won re-election in Maine and offered Biden her congratulations. She told the Associated Press: “I have seen, based on the number of phone calls that I have received from both the Democratic senators and Republican colleagues, a real interest in trying to expand the centre and work together to confront some of the challenges facing our nation. And I’m encouraged by that.”

Biden has worked with McConnell since the Republican from Kentucky was elected in 1984. When he was vice-president under Obama, he found common ground with McConnell to resolve several tax and budget-related disputes, including a tax increase on higher income earners in exchange for renewing most of George W Bush’s 2001 tax cuts. Biden will hope that pragmatism still works.

Larry Jacobs, director of the Center for the Study of Politics and Governance at the University of Minnesota, said: “When people say ‘bipartisan’, it’s another way of saying that he’s been resourceful in finding allies. It’s not a fixation or the result of romantic ‘post-partisan’ ideas that Obama had in 2008. Biden is skilled at deploying the language of bipartisanship as a tool to try to score legislative wins.”

He added: “Biden knows the bottom line: He needs to deliver on containing Covid and reviving the economy. He will do what he has to to get resources to do that.”

There is also a school of thought that McConnell will be quietly relieved to see the back of the Trump show, with all its volatility and vulgarity, and welcome a return to dealing with a White House steeped in traditional norms.

Joe Walsh, a former Republican congressman, said: “McConnell and other Republicans in the Senate who don’t like Trump will be incentivized to get along with Biden a little bit and maybe give Biden a few victories because the last thing in the world McConnell and these Senate Republicans want is Trump running again. So if very quietly they can work with Biden and Biden can get a couple of victories, that will help Biden.”

Yet McConnell has proved Democrats’ nemesis time and again. He notoriously blocked Obama’s supreme court nominee Merrick Garland in election year 2016 but rammed through Trump’s nominee Amy Coney Barrett in election year 2020. A decade ago he told the National Journal: “The single most important thing we want to achieve is for President Obama to be a one-term president.”

He failed in that objective but could prove similarly intransigent in the hope of crippling Biden’s presidency, aware that Trump’s false claims of voter fraud are likely to leave millions of people regarding the Democrat as illegitimate. The context now is four years of extreme divisiveness, tribalism and alternative reality bubbles.

Neil Sroka, communications director for the progressive group Democracy for America, said: “We’re going to have to see what is possible. We all have to be realistic about the tone and tenor that Republicans have taken with the Democrats since long before 2008. I do think that Biden has bizarrely rose-coloured glasses when it comes to the ability to work with Republicans. But who knows?”


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