Sunday, March 19, 2023

FOCUS: Mort Rosenblum | Water Flows Uphill Toward Money

 

 

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19 March 23

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General Dwight D Eisenhower, candidate for President, shakes hands with Arizona Senatorial Candidate Barry Goldwater, while Arizona Governor Howard Pyle speaks to an aide. Political Rally was held in Phoenix Union High School's Montgomery Stadium. (photo: Arizona Memory Project)
FOCUS: Mort Rosenblum | Water Flows Uphill Toward Money
Mort Rosenblum, Reader Supported News
Rosenblum writes: "'Dristan,' a 1960s TV commercial exulted, 'is like sending your sinuses to Arizona.' Lots of people did that and insisted on coming along with them. Today, the Grand Canyon state is at serious risk of drying up and blowing away." 

"Dristan,” a 1960s TV commercial exulted, “is like sending your sinuses to Arizona.” Lots of people did that and insisted on coming along with them. Today, the Grand Canyon state is at serious risk of drying up and blowing away.

Carpetbagger crazies from elsewhere now infest politics in Arizona, which squanders water on runaway “development”: urban sprawl with lush gardens and lawns, retirement meccas, thirsty crops, orchards, golf courses, spa resorts, surf parks and monster malls blasted with frigid air.

In the short run, Florida is more frightening. A mob-style megalomaniac and a self-proclaimed God surrogate vie for the Republican presidential nomination, each bent on crippling democracy. Yet politics are reversible. Heedless humans in Arizona are playing for keeps.

The mercury soars, wildfires rage, land sinks into depleted aquifers, freak floods that punctuate endemic drought devastate homes built in the wrong places. Unlearned lessons in the American West are vital on a planet where climate chaos fast approaches a point of no return.

Here’s a suggestion: No one should be allowed to settle in Arizona before visiting the Great House in Coolidge, remnants of Hohokam Indians whose desert-dwelling civilization thrived for a thousand years before mysteriously vanishing just before Columbus “discovered” America.

The Hohokam understood simple basics. To make the desert bloom, just add water. With stone axes and sharp sticks, they built 210 miles of canals. The multistory Great House, part of a bustling mud-walled city, had a built-in astrolabe to keep tabs on the heavens and the seasons.

Nature, they knew, is smarter than man. It provides natural splendor, teeming game and rich food crops. If you get in its way, you’re toast. No one has determined why their civilization collapsed so suddenly. Perhaps they elected a Kari Lake to lead them.

Long-time Arizonans are all migrants – “aliens” in Amerika uber alles parlance – except for tribes that settled here millennia ago. By June, when it is 100 degrees by breakfast, we are all people of color, Anglos and Mexican Americans alike.

In 1953, before the state was hotter than hell and bedeviled by politicians who fit right in, my dad drove me up from Tucson to the State Capitol in Phoenix. As a kid, he had escaped a bloody Russian revolution and antisemitic pogroms. He wanted me to see what made America great.

The governor wasn’t in, but his secretary sat me in his chair. Cool, I thought, plopping my 10-year-old self into well-worn leather and studying all those stern portraits and relics of a checkered past on the wall. Democracy looked pretty good.

Gov. Howard Pyle was a Republican, dubbed the Grand Old Party after Lincoln ended slavery and stitched together a warring nation. So was Dwight Eisenhower, who had led Allied forces that beat back Adolf Hitler. Likewise, Benjamin Harrison who declared the Hohokam’s Casa Grande ruins America’s first cultural reserve in 1892.

One portrait was of George W.P. Hunt. At 5’9” and 300 pounds, with a drooping mustache, he called himself the Old Walrus. He was the first governor in 1912 and served six more terms, off and on. A progressive Democrat, he championed women’s suffrage, compulsory education, income tax, unions and secret ballots.

Hunt fought bitterly but failed to keep California from hogging the Colorado River when seven states divvied it up in 1922. Arizona thrived on its five C’s: copper, cattle, citrus, cotton and climate. These days, those add up to a sixth C: a curse. Water flows uphill toward money.

In territorial days, Arizona’s rivers ran deep and wide. Once, when flooding isolated Phoenix, a newspaper editor commented that nature had spared the good people of Arizona from the depredations of its legislature for another year.

Now federal mediators plan to slash states’ allotments to dwindling Colorado River water, perhaps by one-third in Arizona. Despite this year’s decent rains and snow, reservoirs at Hoover and Glen Canyon dams are near dead pool. Hydroelectric generators may have to shut down.

Some authorities try to cut back. Others squander what is left as if there were no tomorrow.

The Central Arizona Project has supplied water down to southern Arizona since the 1960s, but engineers left its canals uncovered to save money. As much as half the water they carry evaporates. And now the mayor of Tucson wants to plant a million trees.

Given the complexities, just about any reasonable-sounding argument can be made to justify water use, mostly offset exchange deals with other users. But in the end, it all comes from the same endangered sources.

Writ large, the curse is global. The Nile is disastrously oversubscribed. Turkey has dammed the Tigris and Euphrates, which water Mesopotamia. The Yellow River’s watershed covers much of northern China. At times, it is so low that it runs dry before reaching the sea.

But in the Colorado basin, greed and folly play a dominant role. Rather than cut back to sensible water use and demand sacrifices, new industries such as Taiwan’s projected $12 billion chip-making plant demand yet more. Politicians push solutions that veer into lunacy.

Just before leaving office, Arizona Gov. Doug Ducey tried hard to spend billions on a desalinization plant on the Gulf of California in Mexico. Apart from depending on supply from a foreign country, salt residue would alter the gulf’s fragile balance. Water would have to be pumped for hundreds of miles uphill. And it would amount to a drop in a very deep bucket.

Phoenix is now the fifth-largest American city, surpassing Philadelphia at nearly 1.7 million, with more in its periphery, and the state is growing exponentially. Despite that, Arizona is quietly selling its diminishing water to foreigners.

In most of the state, landowners have the rights to subsurface water. Years too late, news reports have finally dug into a shocking story in La Paz County, across the Colorado River from California. Reveal, the Berkeley-based nonprofit, first reported it on NPR, and I hurried up to check it out.

Almarai, a large Saudi dairy, bought an expanse of high desert in 2014 to sink wells to grow alfalfa. Trucks carry it in bales to Long Beach. Container ships take them to Jidda so Saudi kids have ice cream. A few people happily sold their land. Many others’ wells ran dry as the ancient water table dropped.

The county supervisor, a public-spirited Republican, was eager for publicity to stop the plunder. When I tried to sell the story, editors replied, “It’s been done.” Today, “breaking news” earns prizes. Detailed follow-ups, not so much. Without scrutiny, other Arab states made similar deals. Then the Chinese began buying Arizona land.

Last year, the Phoenix Arizona Republic revealed that Almarai has also been leasing 3,500 acres of water rights from the State Land Department at rates as low as one-sixth the market price. Kris Mayes, the newly elected Democratic attorney general, has plans to stop what she calls “the Saudi land grab.”

Natalie Koch of Syracuse University, an expert on hydrology in Arizona and Saudi Arabia, described the larger problem in a recent New York Times op-ed: “Arizona is not the victim of evil outsiders: it’s the victim of its own hubris and political failings that allow such a system to exist.”

The headline had a grim ring of truth: “Arizona Is Racing to Its Last Drop of Groundwater.”

The soaring demand for electric vehicles is another calamity in Arizona. Two-thirds of the nation’s copper is mined across the state, which depletes aquifers and drains rare wetlands. EVs don’t burn fossil fuel. But if you calculate the impact of producing copper and other metals to build them, each car can create as much carbon pollution as three gas-gulping SUVs.

Hydrogen fuel cells have the potential to run cars and trucks on water. But like nuclear fusion, that requires huge investment to develop the technology. When big industry funds politicians, and news reporting mostly ignores the result, things don’t work that way.

I’ve written before about the 10-year battle to save wild country in the Santa Rita range south of Tucson from a Canadian company’s plans for Rosemont Mine on U.S. Forest Service land. Under an 1872 law, Hudbay Minerals of Toronto would pay no royalties and only token taxes. Concentrate would be smelted in Asia, with profits going to Canada. Recreational use is far more valuable without savaging rare wetlands, game habitats and hiking trails.

Hudbay nearly won approval during the Trump years, but lawsuits by environmentalists and Indian tribes still block the project. In the meantime, it bought large tracts of adjacent private land and is pushing ahead with a larger separate operation: Copper World.

TV commercials tout thousands of jobs and billions of dollars in benefits, with finished copper produced on site, clean and green. Not exactly. Managers and skilled workers would cycle in from other Hudbay mines. Processing on site requires leaching with sulfuric acid, which leaves scarred land and impacts water sources. Profits would still go to Canada.

Final permits are still pending, but bulldozers are already clearing land. Security guards block access to some favorite Santa Rita peaks.

Mines use gargantuan ore carriers, and the Caterpillar headquarters in Tucson boasts a new electric-powered version. That, of course, means yet more copper must be mined for their batteries and circuitry.

Mine opponents are heavily funded by a family-owned company with 110,000 pecan trees nearby that use even more water than Hudbay would. In the long term, its land may be converted to yet more housing.

Three-quarters of Arizona water goes into crops and trees that are no longer sustainable after a decade of drought with bleak prospects for the future. As exotic plants muscle aside native growth in urban areas, Arizona is no place to send sinuses. Yet people keep coming.

Simple solutions are ignored. For instance, a contractor friend near Tucson built a sizeable family home that uses only captured rainwater stored in a reservoir under its foundation. Its swimming pool is covered when not used. Otherwise, it would evaporate 85 gallons a day.

Water harvesting is as old as the Hohokam. Yet barely 68,000 people a year visit the Casa Grande ruins. It covers only 472 acres. But left in its natural stage, desert vegetation teems with rabbits and rodents, which fatten a pair of great horned owls that live in the Great House.

Winter visitors often miss the crisis. After unusual rains at the right time this season, a few state parks are ablaze in purple lupins, yellow-gold poppies and pink penstemon. At Picacho Peak near Tucson this morning, 100 cars had lined up by 9 a.m. to pay $7 to see color that once would have covered mile upon mile of open desert. By May, only dry grass will remain.

Last month, I revisited the Tortolitas, mini mountains north of Tucson. The Hohokam thrived there by Honeybee Creek, which ran year-around in a dramatic canyon. I almost bought 20 acres nearby in the 1970s to build a hideaway when not on the road. My then-wife brought me to my senses. It was way too remote for her to live alone if I was halfway around the world.

Tortolita means “little turtle dove.” Developers renamed it Dove Mountain, built a Ritz-Carlton resort and paved paradise. Sidewalks and blacktop streets cover old animal trails; sensible fauna ran for their lives. Unique Sonoran cactus was bladed for a luxury hotel and elaborate homes with pools and burbling fountains. A state survey in 2021 tallied 219 golf courses, each using about 450,000 gallons daily. Dove Mountain has two.

That remote bit of old Arizona is now thick with wealthy water-wasters from somewhere else who vote largely Republican and complain about “aliens” who have been in Arizona for countless generations. One of my neighbors would have been Steve Bannon.

Trump’s Rasputin now travels in Europe, fanning fascism wherever he can. But he bought a $1.5 million Tortolita home, presumably with funds that he scammed supposedly to build a section of that cursed Wall, which destroys yet more relics of the ancients’ forgotten wisdom.



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FOCUS: Elise Swain | Iraqis Tortured by the US in Abu Ghraib Never Got Justice

 

 

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18 March 23

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A relative of an Iraqi prisoner reacts to photos of prisoner abuse and torture by U.S. forces outside the prison in Baghdad, Iraq, on May 8, 2004. (photo: AFP)
FOCUS: Elise Swain | Iraqis Tortured by the US in Abu Ghraib Never Got Justice
Elise Swain, The Intercept
Swain writes: "Before the 'shock and awe' invasion of Iraq launched and the contrived toppling of Saddam Hussein’s statue, U.S. special forces, private contractors, and intelligence agents had begun sweeping up suspects in the new 'war on terror.'" 


“Miraculously, they still believe in the U.S. justice system and still want to tell their story to a U.S. jury.”

Before the “shock and awe” invasion of Iraq launched and the contrived toppling of Saddam Hussein’s statue, U.S. special forces, private contractors, and intelligence agents had begun sweeping up suspects in the new “war on terror.” The brutalization of so-called enemy combatants was a well-established practice by the time American boots hit the ground in Iraq 20 years ago next week, and it would be carried onto Iraqi soil.

Tens of thousands of Iraqis in the early years of the war would pass through interrogation and detention sites where CIA agents, military intelligence, military police, private contractors, special operation, and ordinary soldiers inflicted abuse that no longer gets cloaked by euphemisms: It was torture.

The photos released from Abu Ghraib prison in 2004 — showing humiliated, naked men leashed like dogs, electrocuted, beaten, piled in pyramids, with smiling military service members laughing and giving a thumbs-up over their bodies — gave the first public glimpse into a secret sprawling torture apparatus from Afghanistan to Cuba.

When the scandal broke, though, senior officials painted Abu Ghraib as a singular incident, the work of “a few bad apples.” President George W. Bush told the press, “We do not torture.” Even when word of the CIA’s secret prison network came to light, Bush and his defense secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, continued to double down on their Geneva convention violations.

As is the American playbook, those in the highest seats of power, who played dumb while making torture a matter of policy, evaded any accountability. No criminal court indictments, no personal or professional repercussions, no travel restrictions, and no sanctions would flow up the chain of command. Mostly low-ranking soldiers at Abu Ghraib, Camp Nama, and beyond bore the brunt of blame. Eleven U.S. soldiers faced criminal convictions for torture at Abu Ghraib and a few more faced disciplinary actions — all the “justice” for Iraqi torture victims that the American military could muster.

“If the U.S. is truly ever interested in rectifying the horrific violence that it unleashed on Iraq, it could start by apologizing to and compensating the survivors of torture at the Abu Ghraib prison,” Maha Hilal, the director of the Muslim Counterpublics Lab and author of “Innocent Until Proven Muslim,” told The Intercept. “Until it does, U.S. gestures towards justice in any capacity will remain symbolic and disingenuous.”

Defense contractors, complicit and involved directly with interrogations and torture, walked away unscathed. The only payout so far in a civil suit was made by a firm that provided translation services at the prison; the company paid out a $5 million settlement with hundreds of Iraqis represented by the Center for Constitutional Rights in a historic case. Now, 20 years later, CCR has another ongoing lawsuit against CACI — the security firm that the four former Abu Ghraib detainees on the suit accuse of directing their torture — in a bid to bridge “the accountability gap” between U.S. military members and private contractors. (CACI denies the allegations.)

“Like all legal cases, this is just one tiny piece of the horrors of the invasion and the occupation which displaced and killed many thousands of Iraqis,” Baher Azmy, legal director of the CCR, told The Intercept. “High-level Bush administration officials have not been held accountable for the lies and the murderous violence that they subjected the Iraqi people to. So, this is just one small part of the legal story.”

After 15 years of litigation, no trial date has been set for the ongoing case against CACI; Azmy said CACI has delayed the trial with a series of failed attempts to get the case dismissed. “But our clients are still here,” he said. “Miraculously, they still believe in the U.S. justice system and still want to tell their story to a U.S. jury.”

Most of the men detained across Iraq following the invasion were innocent, according to a Red Cross investigation. Military intelligence officers estimated, to the International Committee of the Red Cross, that 70 to 90 percent of the “persons deprived of their liberty in Iraq” had actually been arrested by mistake.

“I believe that achieving justice begins with revealing all the details about the torture and acknowledging them on the part of the United States, then giving reparations to the survivors who were tortured unjustly, for no reason,” Salah Hasan, a plaintiff in the CCR suit who survived Abu Ghraib, told The Intercept on the eve of the Iraq War’s anniversary.

A producer for the news channel Al Jazeera, Hasan was arrested in November 2003 and taken through various detention sites under U.S. custody, hooded and bound, before landing, with another Al Jazeera journalist, at Abu Ghraib. There, Hasan was stripped naked, kept standing and hooded, and restrained for endless hours. Over almost two months, he reported being kicked, beaten, deprived of food, and locked naked, in complete isolation for most of his imprisonment.

“Many years have passed since I got out of Abu Ghraib prison and today, and tomorrow, as yesterday, the name Abu Ghraib still raises many things in the soul: horror, fear, and anxiety,” Hasan said. “Even now, my children ask me about the details, but I can’t tell them for two reasons: The first is that the story is painful for me and the second is that I don’t want my children to suffer because of me.”

Consequences

More photographs of Abu Ghraib were eventually released more than a decade after the scandal first became public. An American Civil Liberties Union lawsuit forced the Pentagon to hand over more evidence of the abuses suffered by Iraqis; the additional 198 photos, selected to be released, were “the most innocuous of the 2,000 that were being withheld,” the ACLU wrote.

Censorship of this sort — to cover up American crimes, in this case specifically of torture — has played out time and time again. Just as we don’t have the full picture of what happened in Iraq, we also have never seen the full report of the Senate investigation into CIA torture. The ACLU National Security Project slammed the Pentagon for the continued suppression of evidence:

To justify its withholdings, the government cites a general fear that exposing the misconduct of government personnel may incite others to violence against Americans and U.S. interests. The problem with this argument is that it gives terrorists the power to determine what Americans can know about their own government. No democracy has ever been strengthened by suppressing evidence of its own crimes.

What the U.S. government can get away with is still influenced by the continuously set precedents of torture without justice.

“Though the Obama administration’s policy was to look forward,” Yumna Rizvi, a policy analyst for the Center for Victims of Torture, told The Intercept, “the reality is that the lack of accountability has created an inability to move forward and essentially paralyzed the U.S. on many issues, including those related to the treatment of detainees at Guantánamo detention facility.”

“The legacy of the torture program is one that continues to haunt,” she said. “We’re seeing this currently with the Pentagon’s effort to block evidence of Russian war crimes with the ICC” — International Criminal Court — “because it may open doors for the ICC to prosecute Americans. The U.S. cannot move in the world like it once did; it cannot espouse the principles of human rights, justice, and accountability.”

Reflecting on the 20-year anniversary of the invasion of his country, Hasan explained that he has seen his everything — the law, health, education, politics, and people — change for the worst since the invasion. Torture in Iraqi prisons is an endless story that continues until today, he said.

“The United States of America should reconsider its policies, and at the very least, clean up the mess left behind,” he said. “The U.S. must admit that it deceived the Iraqi people. But it is clear this is not in its consideration at all.”

The CCR-led fight for a modicum of justice from private contractors in Abu Ghraib may finally head to trial this year, Azmy hopes. Hasan, and the other former prisoners, have been waiting 15 years for a chance to testify before a U.S. court. “I have found it my duty not to keep silent about crimes of human rights violations,” he told me. “If justice is achieved, it will be a step along the way to correcting mistakes — I hope that other steps will then follow.”



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Charles Pierce | Criminal Charges Against Trump Take a Leap Toward Reality

 


 

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Donald Trump. (photo: Erin Schaff/NYT/Redux)
Charles Pierce | Criminal Charges Against Trump Take a Leap Toward Reality
Charles Pierce, Esquire
Pierce writes: "You can't make me believe Donald Trump could face criminal charges. I will not believe it until I see the indictment papers on this very screen."


Given [gestures helplessly toward 2015–2021 A.D.], it's amazing that the Stormy Daniels Escapade could be first out of the gate.


You can't make me believe Donald Trump could face criminal charges. I will not believe it until I see the indictment papers on this very screen. From The New York Times:

The prosecutors offered Mr. Trump the chance to testify next week before the grand jury that has been hearing evidence in the potential case, the people said. Such offers almost always indicate an indictment is close; it would be unusual for the district attorney, Alvin L. Bragg, to notify a potential defendant without ultimately seeking charges against him.[...]Mr. Bragg could become the first prosecutor to charge Mr. Trump, but he might not be the last. In Georgia, the Fulton County District Attorney is investigating whether Mr. Trump interfered in the 2020 election, and at the federal level, a special counsel is scrutinizing Mr. Trump’s effort to overturn the election results, as well as his handling of classified documents. The Manhattan inquiry, which has spanned nearly five years, centers on a $130,000 payment to the porn star, Stormy Daniels, who said she had an affair with Mr. Trump. The payment was made in the final days of the 2016 presidential campaign by Michael Cohen, Mr. Trump’s former fixer, who was later reimbursed by Mr. Trump from the White House.

It would be an incredible irony if, after all the other stuff, this tawdry transaction is what brings him down. Of course, on his own little website, he took the Times piece with his customary sangfroid.

I did absolutely nothing wrong, I never had an affair with Stormy Daniels, nor would I have wanted to have an affair with Stormy Daniels. This is a political Witch-Hunt, trying to take down the leading candidate, by far, in the Republican Party while at the same time also leading all Democrats in the polls, including Joe Biden and Kamala Harris. Congress and numerous Democrat District Attorneys, Attorneys General, and the Department of Injustice itself, which has unprecedentedly placed top DOJ prosecutors into the Manhattan District Attorney’s office in order to “get Trump”, have found that I did nothing wrong. Now, they fall back on the old, and rebuked case which has been rejected by every prosecutor’s office that has looked at this Stormy “Horseface” Daniels matter, where I relied on counsel in order to resolve this Extortion of me, which took place a long time ago.

(He goes on, but you get the idea.) But I won't believe it until I see it. And maybe not even then.


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Protesters Take to the Streets Against So-Called 'Cop City' Police Training FacilityA demonstration in response to the death of Manuel Terán, who was killed during a police raid inside Weelaunee People's Park, the planned site of a "Cop City" project, in Atlanta. (photo: Cheney Orr/Reuters)

Protesters Take to the Streets Against So-Called 'Cop City' Police Training Facility
Kiara Alfonseca, ABC News
Alfonseca writes: "Protesters in Atlanta say they are hoping to reignite the energy from the 2020 racial reckoning during a rally they are calling their National Day of Action Against Police Terror on Thursday." 


Demonstrators are fighting against an in-construction police training center.

Protesters in Atlanta say they are hoping to reignite the energy from the 2020 racial reckoning during a rally they are calling their National Day of Action Against Police Terror on Thursday.

Across the country, anti-police brutality and racial justice activist groups will be hosting marches, teach-ins, and demonstrations against what they say is the militarization of police forces at the in-construction Atlanta Public Safety Training Center that critics are calling “Cop City.”

To culminate a weekslong effort, organizers will be holding a rally and march Thursday at 6 p.m. at the King Center, a center focused on nonviolent civil disobedience, in Atlanta.

Protesters argue the facility is “supporting the police narrative as opposed to finding alternatives to [policing]. Less people with guns, more actually interacting with the community,” Kamau Franklin, founder of Community Movement Builders and one of the lead organizers of #StopCopCity, told ABC News.

The #StopCopCity campaign is an effort to try and disrupt the construction of the Atlanta Public Safety Training Center, which will be used for specialized training for both law enforcement and fire department service workers.

The center will include an "auditorium for police/fire and public use," a "mock city for burn building training and urban police training," an "Emergency Vehicle Operator Course for emergency vehicle driver training," a K-9 unit kennel and training, according to the center's website. The first phase of the training center is scheduled to open in late 2023.

The facility is intended to “boost morale, retention and recruitment of our public safety personnel” as well as “give us physical space to ensure that our officers and firefighters are receiving 21st century training, rooted in respect and regard for the communities they serve,” according to former Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms.

The facility was approved last year with widespread support from local lawmakers, both Republicans and Democrats, and across all racial and ethnic lines.

But groups including the Movement for Black Lives, Black Voters Matter, Community Movement Builders and others are calling on Atlanta Mayor Andre Dickens to “end the lease with Atlanta Police Foundation,” the organization behind the facility. The organization’s board members include representatives from major corporations, banks and companies.

Dickens recently created a community task force "to seek further community input and expert recommendations on key issues" amid the unrest, according to a press release from his office.

The training site has been at the center of yearslong tension between police and protesters.

Demonstrators argue that the center is further militarizing the police and may lead to more instances of police brutality and violence.

“Training is a misnomer,” Franklin said, pointing to the hundreds of hours of training that police convicted in murders are required to have received.

“We’ll continue to uplift and talk about the people who’ve been murdered by the police in the Black community, and how policing doesn't work,” Franklin said.

Other demonstrators argue that the center’s construction will take over parts of the Weelaunee Forest, which Franklin says is “one of the most significant urban forests in the U.S., which borders a Black working-class neighborhood in Southeast Atlanta.”

Criticism over the new facility began initially with concerns that the city would need to tear down trees in one of Atlanta’s largest remaining green spaces. Across the city, signs that read “Defend the Atlanta Forest” sprung up in yards. The environmentalist movement Defend the Atlanta Forest is one of the groups leading protests against the facility.

The center is expected to cost $90 million and take up over 85 acres, with the "remaining portion of the 265-acres property as greenspace," according to the center's website.

Tensions came to a head with the fatal police shooting of Manuel Esteban Paez Terán in January, who was shot and killed by police as they raided the campground occupied by environmental demonstrators who had allegedly been camping out for months to protect the forest.

Officials say the protester fired the first shot at a state trooper, who was injured. Other law enforcement officers returned fire, hitting the man. There is no body camera footage of the incident. The Georgia Bureau of Investigation is investigating the incident.

On March 5, more than 30 people were arrested after authorities say a group of “agitators” launched an attack on officers using fireworks, large rocks and Molotov cocktails following a music festival.

Twenty-three of the 35 protesters arrested Sunday were charged with felony domestic terrorism. Most of those protesters were from out of state, and one was from Canada and another from France.

No officers were injured during the incident, though police said that "the illegal actions" of protesters "could have resulted in bodily harm." According to representatives from the racial justice organizations, the incident was not connected to the music festival and demonstration being held nearby.

The mayor's office and the Atlanta Police Foundation has not responded to ABC News' requests for comment. Atlanta Police officials directed ABC News to the Georgia Bureau of Investigation, which declined to comment.



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Ukraine Says Bakhmut Battle Is Grinding Down Russia's Best Units as Kyiv Restores Power SupplyA Ukrainian soldier guards his position. (photo: Mstyslav Chernov/AP)

Ukraine Says Bakhmut Battle Is Grinding Down Russia's Best Units as Kyiv Restores Power Supply
Olena Harmash, Reuters
Harmash writes: "Ukraine has decided to fight on in the ruined city of Bakhmut because the battle is pinning down Russia's best units and degrading them ahead of a planned Ukrainian spring counter-offensive, an aide to President Volodymyr Zelenskiy said." 

Ukraine has decided to fight on in the ruined city of Bakhmut because the battle is pinning down Russia's best units and degrading them ahead of a planned Ukrainian spring counter-offensive, an aide to President Volodymyr Zelenskiy said.

The comments by Mykhailo Podolyak were the latest signal of a shift by Kyiv this week to continue the defence of the small eastern city, site of the war's bloodiest battle, as Moscow tries to secure its first major victory in more than half a year.

"Russia has changed tactics," Podolyak said in an interview published by Italy's La Stampa newspaper. "It has converged on Bakhmut with a large part of its trained military personnel, the remnants of its professional army, as well as the private companies."

"We, therefore, have two objectives: to reduce their capable personnel as much as possible, and to fix them in a few key wearisome battles, to disrupt their offensive and concentrate our resources elsewhere, for the spring counter-offensive. So, today Bakhmut is completely effective, even exceeding its key tasks."

Russia has made Bakhmut the main target of a winter push involving hundreds of thousands of reservists and mercenaries.

It has captured the eastern part of the city and outskirts to the north and south, but has so far failed to close a ring around Ukrainian defenders.

Kyiv, which had seemed at the start of March to be planning to withdraw westward, announced this week that its generals had decided to reinforce Bakhmut and fight on.

Deputy Defence Minister Hanna Maliar said that, as Russia pressed its offensive, "our soldiers are doing everything possible to prevent the enemy implementing their plans".

Russia's advances have appeared to slow amid highly public complaints from Yevgeny Prigozhin, head of the Wagner private militia leading Russia's assault, that the military command was failing to provide his men with enough ammunition.

Prigozhin on Friday thanked the government publicly for a "heroic" increase in output - but in the same audio message said he was "worried about ammunition and shell shortages not only for Wagner ... but for all units of the Russian army".

Moscow says capturing Bakhmut would punch a hole in Ukrainian defences and be a step towards seizing all of Ukraine's Donbas industrial region, a major target.

Trench warfare, described by both sides as a meat grinder, has claimed a huge toll. But Kyiv's decision to stay and fight suggests it believes Russia's losses far exceed its own.

MOSCOW SHORT OF MISSILES?

After making gains throughout the second half of 2022, Ukrainian forces have been mostly on the defensive since mid-November, while Russia has gone on the attack with troops called up in its first mobilisation since World War Two.

But apart from around Bakhmut, the Russian winter offensive has largely failed. Meanwhile, Kyiv is awaiting a surge in Western military aid expected in coming months for an offensive once muddy ground dries in late spring.

Kyiv and the West also saw signs of exhaustion in Russia's latest mass salvo of missile strikes on Ukrainian targets.

Russia fired hundreds of millions of dollars' worth of missiles across Ukraine on Thursday, including an unprecedented six of its hypersonic Kinzhal ('Dagger') missiles, touted as a superweapon to which NATO has no answer. It is believed to possess only a few dozen Kinzhals.

The barrage killed civilians, including a family buried under rubble while they slept in their homes near Lviv, 700 km from the battlefield. But otherwise it appeared to have achieved little, with damaged power systems mostly quickly restored.

The worst damage appears to have been in the eastern city of Kharkiv, where the regional governor said around 450,000 people were still without power on Friday evening.

It had been three weeks since the last similar Russian attack, the longest lull since such strikes began in October. Previously, Moscow had been unleashing such attacks roughly every week, challenging Ukraine's ability to repair infrastructure before the next onslaught.

Britain's Ministry of Defence said on Friday the reason for the longer lull was probably that Moscow was running out of missiles.

"The interval between waves of strikes is probably growing because Russia now needs to stockpile a critical mass of newly produced missiles directly from industry before it can resource a strike big enough to credibly overwhelm Ukrainian air defences," it said.

Ukrainian resistance may also be having a wider effect on Russia's economy.

Gas traders said tankers loaded with Russian liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) were unable to get out into the Black Sea because it was not considered safe for them to pass under the Crimean Bridge, a road link across the mouth of the Azov Sea badly damaged in October by a blast that Russia blamed on Ukraine.



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Why Big Oil Is Less Worried About Biden Phasing Out Fossil FuelsJoe Biden. (photo: Frank Franklin II/AP)

Why Big Oil Is Less Worried About Biden Phasing Out Fossil Fuels
Timothy Puko, The Washington Post
Puko writes: "Oil and gas industry leaders say they've seen a big shift in tone from the Biden administration over the past year, helping to smooth over one of the president's rockiest relationships."  


For industry executives, the president’s slower approach is evidence that pragmatism is winning out. Climate activists are less than pleased.

Oil and gas industry leaders say they’ve seen a big shift in tone from the Biden administration over the past year, helping to smooth over one of the president’s rockiest relationships.

Just two weeks before election night in 2020, President Biden dropped a bomb on fossil fuel businesses while debating the incumbent Donald Trump. “I would transition from the oil industry. Yes,” he said. “It has to be replaced by renewable energy — over time. Over time.”

He then set a pace that infuriated many in the industry, using his first weeks in office to block the Keystone XL pipeline and suspend federal oil and gas leasing, among other moves targeting fossil fuels.

But in the past year, the Biden administration has resumed oil leasing under terms of the major climate-and-energy-spending law Biden signed last year. The president has backed up his previous support for more new laws to speed up infrastructure permitting, including for natural-gas pipelines. And, to avoid instability emanating from Russia’s attack on Ukraine, the Biden administration promised to help grow U.S. natural gas exports and spearheaded efforts to get more gas to European allies.

The president’s more cautious approach toward phasing out fossil fuels culminated last month at his State of the Union address.

“We’re going to need oil for at least another decade … and beyond that,” Biden said, recalling what he has told industry leaders. “We’re going to need it.”

For industry executives, it is evidence that pragmatism is winning out over more aggressive environmental policies. Shaken at times by rising energy prices and Russia’s influence as a giant oil and gas exporter, the administration has more consistently accepted and supported fossil fuels’ having a place in the world’s energy mix, at least for now.

“Everyone is moving to the middle,” said François Poirier, chief executive of TC Energy, the Canadian developer once behind Keystone XL. “Because pragmatism has shown you can’t ignore reliability and affordability in the quest for sustainability.”

For their part, White House officials say the president remains as committed as ever to the energy transition, noting that Biden rolled out a budget this week that includes significant investments in clean energy.

But environmentalists have also noticed a shift. They fear more pragmatic short-term policies could slow the long-term adoption of cleaner fuels to address climate change. Many are watching for a decision expected from the Biden administration within days on permits for the largest proposed oil development in the country, ConocoPhillips’s Willow project in Alaska.

“They’re highly cross-pressured. And the president has not been able to keep all his promises,” said Abigail Dillen, president of the environmental law firm Earthjustice. “This is without a doubt the most ambitious administration on climate in our history. And I know the commitment is real. But I am very concerned.”

At a yearly energy conference here in Houston known as CERAWeek, executives from some of the world’s largest oil and gas companies have called for world leaders to foster a more “orderly” — probably slower — transition to cleaner energy. And many have lauded Biden for, they say, moving in that direction, helping to calm investor fears about oil’s place in the world and to restore the industry’s status on Wall Street.

Biden’s relationship with the oil and gas industry has long been testy. He has accused it of polluting and price-gouging, criticizing executives for spending massive profits last year to help shareholders rather than reinvesting more in supply growth to help consumers. Executives have called his energy policy incoherent, and in turn blamed his environmental priorities for the severe price spikes of last year.

At CERAWeek a year ago — less than two weeks after Russia’s attack sent commodity prices soaring — Biden officials said the attack showed Washington “should double down and triple down on the transition.”

Industry leaders punched back. Oil’s top advocate in Washington, the American Petroleum Institute’s Mike Sommers, said Biden was exacerbating problems by castigating U.S. oil companies from the White House rather than hosting their executives for in-person meetings there.

While differences remain, company executives who felt the administration launched “a cold war” against them in its first year feel it works more constructively with them now, Sommers said in an interview Monday. The administration’s softening rhetoric alone has helped.

“The president’s statement at the State of the Union … shouldn’t be underestimated,” said Sommers, the API’s president. “It’s not like, you know, open doors. But there’s a regular dialogue.”

Sommers’s statement this week contrasts with a tweet he sent following Biden’s State of the Union address, when the API leader criticized Biden for divisive attacks on fossil fuel industries “that employ millions of Americans, pay taxes and provide energy for the world.”

U.S. officials say they have long backed a balanced and nuanced energy strategy and only recently has the industry given them credit for it. Even from the debate, Biden had said the transition would happen “over time.” And it was still in his first year when Biden, with help from the president’s energy envoy, Amos Hochstein, and Energy Secretary Jennifer Granholm, began pushing, often very publicly, for more oil and gas production.

Granholm, during a keynote lunch speech Wednesday, echoed language common among oil and gas company executives in pushing for “a managed transition,” in which government and business work together methodically to ensure they can still meet consumer energy demand while new, cleaner fuels are developing.

She reiterated Biden’s comments that the country will still use fossil fuels in the middle of the century, but implored people in the room to develop the technology that allows people to burn it without releasing greenhouse-gas emissions.

John D. Podesta, a top White House climate adviser, spoke on the first day of the conference to tout White House efforts to speed up permitting of projects. But he focused almost exclusively on expediting electric transmission projects for clean energy.

Russia’s war in Ukraine has heightened the urgency on all fronts, said Jose W. Fernandez, State Department undersecretary for economic growth, energy and the environment. U.S. officials are emphasizing the need to quickly build more clean-energy capacity for the long term, while recognizing that key allies in Europe face potential energy shortfalls now. They see natural gas imports, especially from U.S. suppliers, as the best way to fill the immediate gap, Fernandez and others said.

“It has highlighted the need to really accelerate the energy transition,” he said in an interview Tuesday. “At the same time, in the short term, we’ve got some challenges to deal with, and that’s what we’ve also focused on.”

The Biden administration and its allies have made tough choices to ensure people can still get affordable energy, and it’s a delicate balancing act, said Mark Brownstein, senior vice president, energy transition at Environmental Defense Fund. The trend could threaten the climate if these new fossil fuel investments that are now relatively short-term — with returns over five years or fewer — become longer-term investments that seriously delay the transition to cleaner fuels, he added.

“That’s when we become really concerned,” he said.

Industry executives and other gas advocates often promote gas as a climate solution, a “bridge fuel” between dirtier fossil fuels and still-developing renewables. Administration officials over the past year have shown more willingness to support its use as a way to replace more coal.

Toby Rice, chief executive of the largest U.S. natural gas producer, EQT, credits the administration for supporting money in last year’s Inflation Reduction Act for carbon capture, a technology he says is an imperative for eliminating the oil and gas industry’s emissions. And he says the administration has helped support efforts to get more gas exports to Europe and has been an ally in pushing Congress to pass new laws that can speed up permitting for energy infrastructure projects.

“I think the messaging from the White House has been extremely favorable,” Rice said, adding later that energy-security concerns have driven their change. “There’s a lot more focus now.”

Many executives also said their own industry is changing, too. Several here said the Inflation Reduction Act’s climate and energy programs are creating new opportunities for their businesses in clean-energy technology. That has them embracing — or at least accepting — a new era in which government is intervening deeply into the economy and partnering with the private sector.

At TC Energy (formerly known as TransCanada), Biden’s decision on Keystone XL came as company executives were realizing they had to adapt their business to the heavy influence of policymakers. Keystone was once an $8 billion project, but with climate change now so heavily dictating energy policy — and consumer demand — none of the company’s current $34 billion capital-expenditure, or “capex,” program is tied to oil.

As demand rises for natural gas, the company is focusing more on that fuel to replace coal, and on electricity, where they feel they have more support from Washington and other North American governments. The Keystone XL experience shows that companies risk big failures if they buck the priorities of governments, said the chief executive, Poirier.

“We tried butting heads and we didn’t get anywhere,” he added. “You can’t prosecute a $34 billion capex program if you can’t get along with who’s in charge.”


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The GOP's Coordinated National Campaign Against Trans Rights, ExplainedA rally for transgender rights in Texas. (photo: Jay Janner/AP)

The GOP's Coordinated National Campaign Against Trans Rights, Explained
Nicole Narea and Fabiola Cineas, Vox
Excerpt: "From Florida to Oklahoma, transgender rights are facing a fresh wave of attacks in Republican-controlled state legislatures." 


Republicans are unleashing a torrent of anti-trans bills at the state level ahead of 2024.


From Florida to Oklahoma, transgender rights are facing a fresh wave of attacks in Republican-controlled state legislatures.

Though many of the bills being proposed will never become law, they serve a practical purpose for Republicans. Whether or not they are enacted, they allow conservative state legislatures to perform opposition to the “woke left” and ensure evangelical voters show up to vote — even after the religious right achieved its decades-long goal of overturning Roe v. Wade last year. A recent report from Mother Jones showed that leading religious-right organizations are playing a prominent role in creating and promoting the bills.

The political debate is escalating at a volatile time. Trans Americans are four times more likely to be victims of violent crime than their cisgender peers, according to a 2021 study. Trans youth, who have been the primary focus of anti-trans legislation this year, are experiencing a mental health crisis: A 2022 survey by the Trevor Project, a suicide prevention group focused on LGBTQ youth, found that 86 percent of trans or nonbinary youth reported negative effects on their mental health stemming from the political debate around trans issues, and nearly half had seriously considered suicide in the past year.

While Democrats have sought to fight back with their own legislation affirming protections for the trans community at the state level, there’s not much they can do federally at the moment. The Equality Act, which was passed by the then-Democrat-controlled House last year and would prohibit discrimination against LGBTQ Americans, doesn’t currently have the votes to become law.

That’s despite the fact that most Americans currently support protecting trans people from discrimination, according to a June 2022 Pew survey, although there are sharper divisions over gender-affirming care for youth and public school curricula about gender identity.

All of that makes for a bleak outlook for trans Americans in red states, where their rights have become a political wedge.

“These lawmakers want to homogenize the lives that people are living, and they have this very small-minded idea of who people are and how people should look, live their lives, and should think,” said Tori Cooper, the director of community engagement for the Human Rights Campaign’s Trans Justice Initiative. “There is an intentional effort to use misinformation and disinformation to deceive folks who don’t know any trans, nonbinary, or queer people personally to perpetuate harm and dissuade folks from living honest and true and accurate lives.“

State GOP lawmakers are working to aggressively limit trans rights

Republicans have made clear that they intend to run on trans issues as part of a broader “protect the children” platform heading into 2024, following the success of Virginia Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s 2021 campaign centering on parental rights.

It’s become a means of proving conservative bona fides to GOP primary voters, including right-wing evangelicals, and it’s coming from the top down: Former President Trump announced earlier this year that, if reelected, he would “stop” gender-affirming care for minors, which he said was “child abuse” and “child sexual mutilation.” He also said he would bar federal agencies from working to “promote the concept of sex and gender transition at any age.”

Here’s a look at the key ways Republican lawmakers seek to restrict life for trans people and other members of the LGBTQ+ community.

Republicans want to severely restrict access to gender-affirming treatment

Gender-affirming treatments have been targeted by Republican lawmakers in dozens of states, even though many major medical associations — including the American Medical Association, the American Psychological Association, and the American Academy of Pediatrics — deem those treatments “medically necessary care.”

Those treatments include hormonal therapies that can delay puberty or promote the development of certain characteristics such as facial hair or breasts. They also include surgical procedures to reduce Adam’s apples and procedures that alter chest tissue or genitalia, also known as top surgery and bottom surgery.

Many proposals center on limiting the availability of those treatments for trans youth under the age of 18, for whom surgical interventions are already uncommon: Fewer than 300 minors with a gender dysphoria diagnosis received top surgery in 2021. Lawmakers in TexasOklahoma, South Carolina, and Virginia are now also seeking to restrict access to this care for adults, but those bills might be a tougher sell.

In addition to banning the treatments outright, state legislators are seeking to make doctors and parents liable for administering and approving them and to limit the use of public funds to pay for them.

In 2021, Arkansas became the first state to issue a ban on hormone treatment, puberty blockers, or surgery for trans youth, a measure that also barred doctors from referring patients elsewhere for those treatments. The bill was temporarily blocked in court, and an Arkansas federal judge will decide whether to strike it down permanently in what will be the first ruling on the legality of such bans. At least six other states have passed similar bans, and about 30 states are still considering them.

In the meantime, the Arkansas legislature has sought to make it easier to bring malpractice suits against doctors who administer treatments to trans youth, which would effectively discourage them from offering such treatment altogether. Similar legislation has been proposed at the federal level. At least 11 states are going further in trying to impose criminal penalties on doctors and parents. For example, an Alabama law that was temporarily blocked in federal court last year, but could be reinstated by an appeals court, would hit doctors, parents, and anyone else who aids trans youth in getting care with up to 10 years in prison and a fine of up to $15,000.

Other states want to curtail public funding for trans care. Among the most stringent proposals introduced this year is one that has advanced through the Oklahoma Senate, which would prevent health care facilities or individual providers that receive public funds, including those located on public land, from administering gendering-affirming care. It would also bar insurance companies from covering that care.

Republicans are continuing to push “bathroom bills”

For several years, the GOP has been pushing so-called bathroom bills, which are designed to exclude trans people from multi-user restrooms, locker rooms, and other gender-segregated spaces. Though proponents argue that gender-segregated facilities protect women and children from assault, researchers at UCLA have found that allowing trans people to use public facilities that align with their gender identity doesn’t have any effect on crimes committed in those facilities, which are rare.

One of the earliest bathroom bills was a North Carolina law that was implemented in 2016 and later repealed following protests and boycotts. The momentum behind these bills hasn’t waned in the years since, with at least six bills being advanced or introduced in state legislatures across the country this year.

The Arkansas Senate has already approved a bill that would require public school students to only use facilities that correspond to their sex assigned at birth and a bill under which people could be charged with misdemeanor sexual indecency for entering a public restroom or changing room where a “minor of the opposite sex” is present. Iowa and Kansas lawmakers have advanced similar bills concerning public school students.

There’s a question as to whether the bills relating to public schools will survive legal scrutiny. There are now multiple, conflicting appellate court rulings on the subject, and it’s not clear whether trans advocates will decide to take the issue to the US Supreme Court for fear of an adverse ruling.

Religious liberty bills are threatening trans civil rights

At least 19 states do not have laws that shield people from discrimination based on gender identity, and some are trying to strengthen religious liberty protections in a way that trans advocates say would allow employers, businesses, and medical providers to discriminate against trans people.

A number of bills concern what religious liberty advocates call “conscience rights” for medical providers. The Idaho House, for instance, has passed legislation to ensure that counselors and therapists will not be required to take on clients when it would conflict with their “sincerely held principles.” Iowa and Missouri lawmakers have similarly advanced legislation to prevent health care providers generally from performing care to which they have religious objections.

So far, legal precedent seems to favor religious liberty advocates. A federal appellate court ruled in 2021 that a professor could not be forced to use a trans student’s pronouns on the basis that doing so would have conflicted with his religious beliefs. But that’s likely not the last time the issue will be litigated in court.

Republicans want to make it impossible to update ID cards and documents

In recent years, dozens of states have introduced bills that make it harder for people to change their gender information on state identification cards, driver’s licenses, and documents like birth certificates. These laws are currently in effect in Tennessee, Kansas, Ohio, and Oklahoma. Such bills have been introduced in Arizona, Arkansas, Idaho, Indiana, Texas, and Virginia but failed.

ID restrictions stand to harm trans and nonbinary people by putting them at risk of increased harassment, among other threats. Identification that accurately reflects a person’s gender is necessary for employment, travel, and moving freely through public without consequences.

In 2022, Oklahoma became the first state to sign a bill against nonbinary gender markers. The law forbids the symbols on birth certificates for people who don’t identify as female or male. Now lawmakers in the state want to define “women” as those identified as female at birth in all state laws.

In Tennessee, the state’s Vital Records Act says that the gender listed on one’s birth certificate cannot be changed as a result of surgery, though the state allows transgender residents to change the listed gender on their driver’s licenses and state ID cards. Transgender plaintiffs who have sued the state over its policy said not being able to change their gender on their birth certificate outed them as transgender and exposed them to bullying at work.

The anti-trans laws are part of a larger wave of Republican anti-LGBTQ legislation

Republicans have introduced and passed a number of bills that prevent trans students from participating in activities like sports and censure talk about LGBTQ people and issues. Some of the bills even force teachers to out their students.

Florida’s Parental Rights in Education law, which took effect in 2022, makes it illegal for teachers to discuss gender and sexuality with students in grades K-3 and criminalizes instruction that isn’t “age-appropriate” for students in grades K-12. Under the law, teachers must notify parents if they believe their child is transgender, and parents have the ability to sue schools or school districts that violate the restrictions.

Advocates told Vox that the state’s rollback of diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives at the higher education level also harms queer students and faculty. Leslie Hall, the director of the Human Rights Campaign’s HBCU partnership, said, “The challenge we face now is that individual schools and systems are very afraid and there’s a lot of anxiety around combating these laws or bills. For example, it’s hard for me to go to Florida A&M University or Bethune Cookman University and ask how they plan to continue with initiatives that piss off the governor and defy his fascism.”

Other laws allow teachers to refuse to use a student’s correct pronouns. In a Texas school district, teachers don’t have to address students by the pronouns that match their gender identity, even if the student’s parents ask them to. The Supreme Court of Virginia ruled that a school had to reinstate a gym teacher who wouldn’t refer to students by their pronouns.

Several states have also introduced bills that, if signed into law, could limit the LGBTQ community’s right to freedom of expression as guaranteed under the First Amendment. In Tennessee and Arkansas, lawmakers have already passed restrictions limiting drag performances. The ACLU has argued that overly broad wording in the Tennessee law means it’s actually not illegal to perform in drag in the state. Nearly a dozen similar bills are making their way through red states, with Republicans claiming that drag performances expose children to inappropriate sexual themes.

Nearly two dozen states have adopted trans youth sports bans, which bar transgender girls from competing in girls’ sports. According to lawmakers, the bans are an attempt to protect girls, and opportunities for girls, in sports, but advocates for trans rights say the laws want to push trans youth into hiding. As Katelyn Burns wrote for Vox, the laws “exclude and punish trans kids” and the “messaging that classifies young trans girls as ‘biological boys’ is scare-mongering and unfair, and only seeks to reinforce ugly stereotypes about trans girls and women to an uninformed public.”

“I’m 53 years old and trans kids have always played sports and we’ve always used the bathrooms. It only became an issue in the last administration,” Cooper said. These lawmakers “are saying that we’re doing things to people that we’re not, that we’re out to do certain things that we are not. And, unfortunately, they’re able to pass these policies based on creating fear over outright lies.”

The wave of bills is fostering fear and uncertainty

There’s increasing fear the wave of legislation will prevent trans people from simply going about their lives, trans rights activists told Vox.

“If your access to public spaces, your own name, how you’re dressed in public, where you can go, what kind of medicine you can take, what goes on between you and your doctor — if all of that is restricted and taken away from you, then how can you be yourself?” said Mandy Giles, the founder of the advocacy organization Parents of Trans Youth.

And advocates worry that the deluge of disinformation about trans people — the false and harmful idea that they want to prey on women in bathrooms, for example — will curtail the progress being made in some states, making life difficult not just in states with harsh anti-trans laws, but across the US.

“A lot of the bills are aimed at creating not only fear in the community, but also making anti-trans sentiment part of the general conversation,” said Simon Willis, a co-president of PFLAG Houston, an organization that hosts support groups for LGBTQ+ communities.

So far, the GOP has gotten a handful of bills signed into law, and the party isn’t slowing down as dozens of bills work their way through state legislatures this spring. One speaker at this year’s Conservative Political Action Conference exclaimed in a speech that “transgenderism” must be eradicated, a statement that directly calls for the elimination of transgender people. The statement stoked greater alarm as Republicans launch their campaigns for the presidency, with platforms that will surely blast more anti-trans rhetoric.

“It’s really important that people who aren’t in danger speak up,” Willis said. “We end up hearing a lot more about the anti-trans bills, but we don’t hear very much about anything going the other direction. There doesn’t seem to be enough people in positions of power pushing back against that [anti-trans] narrative.”


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How Israel's Supreme Court Enables Torture of Palestinian PrisonersPalestinian women attend a protest in solidarity with female Palestinian prisoners held in Israeli jails in Gaza City. (photo: AFP)

How Israel's Supreme Court Enables Torture of Palestinian Prisoners
Janan Abdu, Middle East Eye
Abdu writes: "Before the current far-right government's war on the judiciary, there was a little covered news story out of the Israeli Supreme Court." 


While Israelis protest against Netanyahu and Ben-Gvir's war on the judiciary, the high court of Israel enables the state's use of torture against Palestinian prisoners

Before the current far-right government's war on the judiciary, there was a little covered news story out of the Israeli Supreme Court.

On 29 December 2022, the high court once again capitulated to the demands of the state regarding the issue of prison conditions and the size of prison cells in particular. It granted the state's request and extended, for the third time, the deadline for expanding the living space of detainees until 31 December 2027.

In response to a petition by Israeli human rights organisations including the Association for Civil Rights (ACRI), the Supreme Court issued an order in June 2017 to expand the living space of prisoners to 4.5 sqm - giving the Israel Prison Service an initial deadline of nine months (HCJ 1892/14 ACRI v Public Security Minister).

In most Western countries, the size of standard prison cells ranges between six and 12 sqm, while in Israel, it is less than 3 sqm.

The ruling seemed to acknowledge the cruel, humiliating, and inhuman living conditions of the prisoners. In the opening statement of the decision, Judge Yitzhak Amit wrote that "society is evaluated…through its treatment of prisoners". He pointed out that "depriving them of their freedom through imprisonment does not mean depriving them of their right to dignity, which stems from the prisoner's right to determine the minimum living space”.

However, despite this statement, the court approved maintaining these conditions for an additional five years which then became 10 years from the initial judgement.

'Unfit for human beings'

In 2014, ACRI, Physicians for Human Rights (PHR-I), and other groups petitioned the Supreme Court to address overcrowding in Israeli jails and prisons and compel the state to immediately increase the living area of prisoners to a minimum 4.5 sqm as a temporary solution until it is raised even further as part of a long-term plan.

The petition stated that prisoners are forced to spend hours of their day in bed, without the ability to move or stand, and those sharing a cell are unable to stand or walk at the same time in the limited space.

As a result, prisoners are often forced to carry out their entire daily routine in bed, including eating. It further argues that overcrowding creates suffocation in the cells, harms the health of the prisoners, and causes increased friction between them.

It is far from the acceptable size in countries considered democratic (8.8 sqm) and from the minimum adopted by international institutions to ensure reasonable adequate living conditions that are mentioned in a 2012 report published by the International Committee of the Red Cross.

Unfortunately, the situation in Israeli prisons has been the same for decades, but the state has done nothing to offer solutions or make changes. In its 2019-2020 annual report, Israel's Public Defence warned of prison overcrowding and prisoner rights violations. The report described the existing prison conditions as a "serious violation of human dignity". It criticised the narrow size of the prison cell at 2.5 sqm, asserting that it is "too small for even one resident".

The report reiterated earlier calls to immediately stop holding prisoners in these cells, maintaining that they are "unfit for human beings". It further noted that a prison cell area today is less than half of the minimum approved by Israel Prison Service, the main carceral authority which specified 6 sqm as a reasonable amount of space.

The Public Defence report further held that this matter not only affects the rights of detainees, but also violates the state's obligation to refrain from cruel, inhumane, and degrading punishment, a basic standard of international law.

Failure to comply

On 13 June 2017, the Supreme Court ordered the state to increase the minimum prison living area. To ease the implementation of these reforms, the high court divided the process into two stages: the first would grant the state nine months to increase the living area for prisoners to 3 sq m (not including a toilet and shower). An additional nine months from the court order to increase the living area further to 4.5 sqm would comprise the second stage.

However, on 5 March 2018, a week before the deadline for stage one reforms expired, the state submitted a request to the court to postpone the implementation for 10 years from the initial ruling to 2027. The state argued that compliance with the timeline established by the court would require a "mass release" of prisoners and "endanger" the public.

The petitioners rejected these claims, arguing that the state took no action to construct new detention centres, and restating the high court's observation about the inadequate facilities, many of which were built during the British Mandate. It also opposed the suggestion of a public safety issue, calling these "idle threats intended to intimidate the court".

The court sharply criticised the state's actions and initially rejected the state's request. This compelled the state to submit a plan to construct new wings for hundreds of security prisoners and an increase of administrative release that will result in the evacuation of about 1000 places of confinement.

In June 2018, the state updated the court on its intent to use Saharonim Prison in the Negev desert as an immigration detention centre as part of the first stage of reform.

As for the second stage of the ruling - guaranteeing a minimum living space of 4.5 sqm for each prisoner by December 2018 - the state failed to make any progress on this matter, leading human rights groups to demand that the court force it to adhere to the letter of its judgement.

A torture loophole

In a notice issued on 29 July 2018, the state informed the court of its plan to establish by the year 2026 new centres for housing prisoners interrogated by Shin Bet, Israel's security service. It also announced its intent to petition the high court to amend its judgement in order to exempt Shin Bet facilities from expanding the living space for prisoners until 2027. Currently, the Shin Bet cell size is 2 sqm or less.

The petitioners representing various human rights groups opposed the state's request, arguing that this population should actually receive priority in the efforts to adapt prison conditions to the court's ruling and that postponing the execution date of the ruling by at least eight years is unreasonable.

The state then argued that expanding prisoner living space would harm Shin Bet’s ability to obtain information and would strongly affect the number of investigations launched at a time.

Ironically, its justification was based on full recognition that the detainees' living space, below the minimum area, clearly constitutes a tool of torture and pressure to "obtain information" or confessions from Palestinian detainees

Most of the so-called security investigations target Palestinians, subjecting them to conditions that violate the Convention against Torture to which Israel is a signatory.

In 2022, an Israeli parliament committee twice unanimously approved a draft law to amend the penal code (Powers of Arrest, Living Space in the Shin Bet Detention Centres), which also exempts Shin Bet detention centres from expanding the living space of prisoners as ordered by the Supreme Court.

To make matters worse, the draft law suggests implementing secret standards by an official and the Shin Bet director. Human rights organisations expressed concerns that these "standards" would fail to protect the rights of prisoners who would be subjected to conditions of torture in violation of international law.

As stated in the draft law explanation, the determination of standards and laws for the living space of security detainees is carried out by the prime minister, with the approval of the minister of justice and the ministerial committee of the Shin Bet, as well as the approval of a joint special committee of the Foreign Affairs, Defence Committee and the Law Committee in the Knesset.

This proposal was met with strong opposition by human rights organisations, and a number of them - the Committee Against Torture, the Centre for the Defence of the Individual (HaMoked), and Physicians for Human Rights - submitted on 8 February 2020 their observations on the proposed draft law to the acting judicial advisor. They affirmed that it attempts to circumvent the court’s decision, and that the proposal continues to unreasonably infringe upon detainees' rights and discriminate against these detainees, in particular.

They also noted that any law must be subject to legal standards and noted that it contravenes what was approved in the Israeli Basic Law: Human Dignity and Freedom.

They stressed that these special Shin Bet headquarters should receive more attention with regard to ensuring living space, as they are hidden from the public eye and even from official supervision in most cases. Moreover, the detainees in these facilities are usually prohibited from meeting lawyers.

The state's request to delay implementing the new space requirements sent the court into a spiral. While it has the power to extend deadlines, it can only do so on rare occasions.

As stated in the court decision, "extending deadlines, in turn, could lead to a situation in which the existing illegal situation continues to harm the parties' expectations of relying on the court, and harm putting an end to the arbitration. Also, extensions in unnecessary cases will lead to harming the principle of the rule of law."

This decision means that detainees and prisoners in Israeli prisons will continue to live in harsh, inhumane conditions for an additional five years.

These conditions, according to the public defence report, "are considered a severe abuse of the detainee rights, their dignity, their health, and their privacy, which is exacerbated by the harsh living conditions".

The worrisome matter is that these harsh conditions when added to the inhumane treatment amount to torture, especially in the Shin Bet detention centres - exempt from the court order - where severe cold, deafening noise, sleep deprivation, restrictions on movement, prevention from going out to the yard, bad food, a lack of beds and blankets, poor hygiene, and other torturous conditions prevail.



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Al Gore Warns It Would Be 'Recklessly Irresponsible' to Allow New Alaskan Drilling PlanFormer vice president Al Gore. (photo: Alastair Grant/AP)

Al Gore Warns It Would Be 'Recklessly Irresponsible' to Allow New Alaskan Drilling Plan
Oliver Milman, Guardian UK
Milman writes: "Al Gore has warned it would be 'recklessly irresponsible' to allow an enormous, controversial oil drilling project to proceed in Alaska, speaking ahead of a decision from the Biden administration on whether to approve it."


Ex-vice-president says new projects ‘are a recipe for climate chaos’ ahead of Biden administration’s decision on Willow development

Al Gore has warned it would be “recklessly irresponsible” to allow an enormous, controversial oil drilling project to proceed in Alaska, speaking ahead of a decision from the Biden administration on whether to approve it. Gore spoke amid growing alarm among Democrats and campaigners that the Willow development will drastically undermine the US’s effort to confront the climate crisis.

The vast, multi-billion-dollar ConocoPhillips oil project, to be situated on the tundra of Alaska’s northern Arctic coast, is awaiting approval from the federal government that could arrive as soon as Friday. Gore, the former US vice-president and leading climate advocate, told the Guardian that the planned drilling would threaten local communities as well as the task of curbing dangerous global heating.

“The proposed expansion of oil and gas drilling in Alaska is recklessly irresponsible,” Gore said. “The pollution it would generate will not only put Alaska native and other local communities at risk, it is incompatible with the ambition we need to achieve a net zero future.

“We don’t need to prop up the fossil fuel industry with new, multi-year projects that are a recipe for climate chaos,” Gore added. “Instead, we must end the expansion of oil, gas and coal and embrace the abundant climate solutions at our fingertips.”

The Willow project has become a leading target for climate campaigners due to the huge volume of planet-heating emissions it could unleash. The drilling operation would extract up to 180,0000 barrels of oil a day, about 1.6% of total US oil production from one site alone. In a grim irony, ConocoPhillips has said it may have to re-freeze ground that is rapidly thawing as the Arctic heats up in order to stabilize the drilling equipment.

This drilling would result in 278m tons of greenhouse gases over a 30-year lifespan of the development, according to the administration’s own estimates, the equivalent of adding 2m gasoline-consuming cars onto the road or running more than 70 coal-fired power plants for a year. The pollution produced would comfortably wipe out the emissions saved from all renewable energy projects on US public lands by 2030.

The Department of the Interior has said it has “substantial concerns” about the Willow project’s impact upon the climate and the subsistence lifestyle of native Alaskan communities but has completed an environmental review of the development that it said would improve it, such as drilling at three sites rather than five and reducing the number of roads and other infrastructure that would be built in the wilderness.

The prospect of the administration approving a full or abridged version of the project has sparked alarm among local communities, climate campaigners and Biden’s Democratic allies.

The International Energy Agency has said no new fossil fuel infrastructure can be built if the world is to avoid disastrous climate change and two dozen Democrats in Congress have written to Biden warning that Willow poses “a significant threat to US progress on climate issues”. The lawmakers called upon the president to “stop this ill-conceived and misguided project”.

A wave of opposition to the Willow project has hit the White House in recent weeks, including in-person rallies in Washington DC and a viral #StopWillow campaign on social media. An online petition calling for the project to be halted has garnered more than 3m signatures. Critics have pointed out the project fatally undermines Biden’s promise to deal with the climate crisis, which he has called an “existential threat” to humanity.

“President Biden continues to address climate change during high-profile speeches and events but his actions are contradictory,” said Siqiniq Maupin, executive director of the Sovereign Iñupiat for a Living Arctic, an Indigenous group that has warned the project would endanger the subsistence lifestyle of native communities that rely upon the migration of a caribou herd, as well as other established patterns in the environment, to live in their Arctic surrounds.

Biden has come under pressure from proponents of the project, too, with Alaskan lawmakers and some native groups arguing Willow would create much-needed jobs and investment for the region. Lisa Murkowski, a Republican senator from Alaska, has called the size of the project “minuscule” and that it has been “meticulously planned” to avoid harm to the environment.

The battle over Willow is likely to end up in the courts, with environmental advocates vowing to keep fighting any iteration of the project. “I think that litigation is very likely,” said Jeremy Lieb, a senior attorney for Earthjustice. “We and our clients don’t see any acceptable version of this project.”



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