Wednesday, May 13, 2020

RSN: FOCUS: Michelle Alexander | Let Our People Go







 

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13 May 20

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FOCUS: Michelle Alexander | Let Our People Go
Michelle Alexander. (photo: New York Times)
Michelle Alexander, The New York Times
Alexander writes: "I have been wondering what to say about the horror of Covid-19 behind bars."

Much has already been written about the scale of the crisis, the moral argument for freeing people from prisons and jails, and the utter inadequacy of the response in many states, including New York.

Activists, community leaders, medical experts and family members of people who are incarcerated have been raising their voices to little avail. In recent weeks, I sensed something was missing from the public debate but struggled to name it.

Then I read a letter from a man in Marion Correctional Institution in Ohio. Suddenly the answer was obvious.

In Ohio, my home state, more than 80 percent of the people caged at Marion have been infected with the coronavirus because of the state’s lackluster response. Thirteen have died. Last month, the Ohio Prisoners Justice League and Ohio Organizing Collaborative demanded that Gov. Mike DeWine release 20,000 prisoners, about 40 percent of those in state custody, by the end of May. That number would encompass those whose sentences are nearly complete, those imprisoned for “nonviolent” offenses, elderly people and those with health problems that render them especially vulnerable to infection.



 
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FAIR: US Jobless Rate Broke Depression-Era Record—but Most Media Missed It










FAIR

US Jobless Rate Broke Depression-Era Record—but Most Media Missed It

 

US Unemployment Is Worst Since Depression

The New York Times (5/9/20) featured a chart of job losses that stretched all the way down the front page.

The Bureau of Labor Statistics’ eagerly awaited Friday morning Official Unemployment Rate report for April—what editors generally call the BLS’s “headline” rate of unemployment —was definitely headline-worthy. This was especially evident in the next day’s New York Times (5/9/20), which ran a bar chart of historic unemployment going back to 1946 across the top of the front page, and then a long red bar down the right-hand column of the entire page showing job losses for April.

It was a dramatic illustration of how the bottom had fallen out of the job market, with 20.5 million new jobless workers bringing the unemployment rate to 14.7% — the highest that number has been since the end of the 1930s.

But the blaring headlines should actually have been considerably worse (perhaps with that red bar running off the bottom of the Times front page).

Ignored by nearly all US news organizations, at least initially, was an explanation made by the BLS at the end of its press release on the April layoffs, explaining that the official U-3 unemployment rate, which is supposed to measure jobless people actively looking for work, was actually incorrect. In a boxed 572-word addendum appended to its press release (and referenced in a note at the top of the release) was the following explanation:

There was also a large increase in the number of workers who were classified as employed but absent from work. As was the case in March, special instructions sent to the household survey interviewers called for all employed persons absent from work due to coronavirus-related business closures to be classified as unemployed on temporary layoff. However, it is apparent that not all such workers were so classified.

If the workers who were recorded as employed but absent from work due to “other reasons” (over and above the number absent for other reasons in a typical April) had been classified as unemployed on temporary layoff, the overall unemployment rate would have been almost 5 percentage points higher than reported (on a not-seasonally adjusted basis). However, according to usual practice, the data from the household survey are accepted as recorded. To maintain data integrity, no ad hoc actions are taken to reclassify survey responses.

There’s a lot of gobbledygook in there, but the upshot is that if reporters and news editors had read the note, they should have reported the BLS “headline” unemployment rate as 19.7%, not 14.7%. As the BLS wrote in its note, if the error in classifying some laid off workers in the survey had been corrected the rate would have been the higher figure. 

That correction puts the real U-3 number in the range of unemployment rates that were being reported  during the mid-1930s, in the depths of the Great Depression.

The significance of this poor reporting was that the stock market—that supposedly great gauge of economic sentiment—popped up (NASDAQ by 1.58%, S&P by 1.68% and Dow by 1.91%) on the news that the unemployment jump was significantly lower than the 16% that many analysts had been predicting.  In reality, though, the corrected rate of 19.7% blasted way past that prediction, and if accurately reported would have caused the markets to tank before the weekend instead of rising, if past history were repeated.

The initial news reports about the BLS’s 8:30 am news release were almost universally wrong in their headlines, and most didn’t bother reporting on the BLS’s note with its 5% correction.

CNBC: A record 20.5 million jobs were lost in April as unemployment rate jumps to 14.7%

For CNBC (5/8/20), a "key point" was that "economists had been expecting...the unemployment rate to surge to 16%."

The headline of Friday’s CNBC article (5/8/20) read: “A Record 20.5 Million Jobs Were Lost in April as Unemployment Rate Jumps to 14.7%.” Filed at 8:30 am and updated at 11:27 am, CNBC went with the disavowed “official” number.  Reporter Jeff Cox, in his revised article, at least added the BLS comment that some people were erroneously not included as being unemployed, but like most reporters covering this story, he appears to have confused that problem with the routine way that the BLS underreports unemployment:

A more encompassing measure that includes those not looking for work as well as those holding part-time jobs for economic reasons also hit an all-time high of 22.8%. That reading may be a more accurate picture of the current jobs situation as millions of workers are being paid to stay home and thus not willing or able to look for new jobs.

The problem is that Cox is referring to a different BLS unemployment statistic figure: the so-called U-6 rate, which includes “discouraged” workers and people working part-time who want full-time employment. Since investors know all about that rate (which is also reported by the BLS every month), and know how it is always significantly higher than the U-3 rate, it is automatically discounted by them.

In fact, if both the error cited by the BLS itself and the U-6 additions to the tally of unemployed were combined, and added to the 14.7% official U-3 unemployment rate for April, the unemployment rate as of April 16 would have been 27.8%, which would be higher than the record Great Depression unemployment rate of 24.9%, notched in 1933.

CNN (5/8/20), in its main report on the BLS Friday morning announcement,  stuck with the 14.7% unemployment figure, and didn’t mention the correction in the box following the bureau’s release. (A subsequent CNN feature—5/8/20—did illustrate how the unemployment rate would be even higher if involuntary part-timers and people who want jobs but are no longer looking for work were included.)

The New York Times (5/8/20) ran with the BLS “official” unemployment rate in its headline (and in its dramatic chart), saying, “The jobs numbers were the catastrophe everybody was expecting.” The article that followed then referred to the 14.7% figure.

Well down into the story, the paper stated, “What’s more, because of issues with the way workers are classified, the actual unemployment employment rate might have been more close to 20%.”  This was a fudge. The article should have reported that the BLS explained that there had been an error in how millions of workers had been classified and that, if corrected, that rate would have been, not might have been, “close to 20%.”

WSJ: April Unemployment Rate Rose to a Record 14.7%

The Wall Street Journal (5/8/20) headlined the 14.7% figure, but noted that if sent-home workers had been appropriately counted as being temporarily laid off, the unemployment rate would have been "almost 5 percentage points higher."

The Wall Street Journal (5/8/20), which typically does more accurate reporting on unemployment figures, also went with the official 14.7% BLS number in its headline:  “April Unemployment Rate Rose to a Record 14.7%.” This article, like others, initially ignored the crucial correction.

In a later revision, the paper did add that the BLS survey “showed a large number of workers who said they were ‘employed but absent from work,’” and wrote that “many of those should have been counted as a temporary layoff, which would have caused the unemployment rate to be almost 5 percentage points higher.” But the revised version failed to note that the BLS itself admitted it was a mistake left uncorrected in deference to its tradition of not altering gathered data once collected. Left unsaid was why the Journal didn’t report the number correctly as 19.7%.

Yahoo! News (5/8/20) stood out for getting the story right. While the article carried the same kind of misleading headline—“April Jobs Report: US Employers Cut a Record 20.5 Million Payrolls, Unemployment Rate Jumps to 14.7%”—reporter Emily McCormick helpfully included a line saying, “The jobless rate would have been nearly 5 percentage points higher, if workers were classified differently during the survey data collection, the BLS added in a note.”  After that, she included the full explanation from the actual BLS addendum to its press release.

It’s hard to understand why reporters and editors would have missed an opportunity for a banner headline saying that the unemployment rate in this stunning pandemic recession had already leapt to or perhaps beyond a Great Depression level. Perhaps in today’s era of newsroom cutbacks, and with a race to get the story out first when a government agency embargoes information until a sudden 8:30 am release, these Washington reporters for the most part didn’t take the time to read the BLS’s box explaining the error that it had deliberately not corrected.

Oh well: Since the April BLS report was through April 16, and missed the 7 million more workers laid off in the second two weeks of the month, plus a likely equal amount who’ll be sacked in the first two weeks of May, they’ll get another chance for that screaming headline.

 

 











FAIR: 'Our Food System Is Very Much Modeled on Plantation Economics'









FAIR

'Our Food System Is Very Much Modeled on Plantation Economics'

Janine Jackson interviewed the Union of Concerned Scientists’ Ricardo Salvador about the coronavirus food crisis for the May 8, 2020, episode of CounterSpin. This is a lightly edited transcript.

MP3 Link

NYT: Dumped Milk, Smashed Eggs, Plowed Vegetables: Food Waste of the Pandemic

New York Times (4/11/20)

Janine Jackson: Listeners have likely seen the images: farmers dumping milk, smashing eggs, plowing produce under. At the same time, in the same country, people line up at food banks, unable to access or afford nutritious food.

At the nexus of the health crisis and the economic crisis of Covid-19 is a food crisis. And it's along every dimension, from farm laborers to restaurant workers to hungry people. As with so many things, the pandemic didn't create the problems, but it's making them harder to deny.

Ricardo Salvador is senior scientist and director of the Food and Environment Program at the Union of Concerned Scientists. He joins us now by phone. welcome to CounterSpin, Ricardo Salvador.

Ricardo Salvador: Thank you very much. It's a pleasure to be here.

JJ: If we could just talk, first, about the supply chain itself. What is it about the food system we have, that makes it a reasonable or necessary response to the crisis for some farmers to plow vegetables under that people could be eating?

RS: It has to do with the structure of agriculture, and I think your question is very well-framed. It actually is a logical thing for most farmers to plow under their food, rather than try to deal with a food system that is very specialized, that operates at very large scale. It's very concentrated. And it operates along a few well-established channels. So it's important to understand what those channels are, to then understand why it's logical for farmers to do what is being reported, as well as to understand that this issue of food waste is a serious problem. And it is not exclusively on farmers. It's an issue of the structure of the system.

So those channels I’m referring to have to do with the primary ways in which we all eat. Generalizing broadly: Prior to the pandemic, we all ate one of two ways. Either we went out someplace where somebody else took care of all the details; we don't have to worry about what's in season, how it's grown, how it's prepared; we just ask on a whim for whatever we're in the mood for, somebody prepares it, it’s delivered to us, somebody cleans up after us.

And that system is supplied by a channel, a sector, in the food system, which is called food service. And it operates almost invisibly to the majority of us. But if you do see it, you see it in service entries and back alleys, with semi trailers delivering frozen food or packaged food in particular quantities that are suitable for the restaurant, cafeteria, the other institutions that deliver the food in the way that I described.

And, by the way, we spend most of our money for food that comes to us in that particular channel—I mean, most of the money that we spend for food, we spend for food at restaurants, or food that we eat out.

Then the other channel is the one that is overwhelmed right now, because it's actually having to do both its own job, as well as to backstop for all the foods that we normally would be eating when we go out. And this is the grocery channel. And it's important to understand that each of these channels have their own distribution networks, their own packaging methods, their own volume, transportation. And that if you prepare for one, you're not prepared for the other.

JJ: Right.

RS: You've packaged, you’ve labeled, you've processed for one of them and not the other. And so the system is not very fungible. What makes the most logic to someone that just reads about all of this waste is to say, well, as you said in your question, there are all these people lined up at food pantries, because suddenly they're unemployed. And that channel, which is referred to in the food system as the emergency food channel, actually is a redistribution channel.

So usually food that is not used, or that, for some other reason—it's been mislabeled or it doesn't meet a quality standard or is leftover—that's the stuff that typically would go over to the emergency food channel. So nobody is equipped, there is no switch anyplace, where you can suddenly say, “Oh, that channel needs this much more food.” And the way in which folks at food pantries, and the people using those food pantries, can use the food is in very small quantities; nothing like what these major food channels can deliver.

And so now, let's go back to your question about farmers. The way this whole thing looks to farmers is that they've contracted—typically in advance; they're making huge investments, many of them, millions of dollars in advance—for putting their crop in the field. And if their contracts are canceled, someone still has to pay for the picking, the processing, the transportation.

And it can't be on farmers; that's something that somebody else needs to pay. Food pantries can't pay for that; as I just told you, they usually receive what others can't use, so they don't have the resources to do this. So it may be that these places are just miles from each other, but there is no way that the costs that are involved are going to be covered by the structure of the food system as it is right now.

And for farmers, if they have produce, if that's what we're talking about, returning it to their soil is a way of recovering some of their costs, because that turns into fertility for their soil, for instance, just one example. So that way, it's not a total loss for them, but it is a major loss for them. In other words, they're not realizing profit.

So that's the structure of our food system. That's why we get some of these inanities.

JJ: And you can understand that if your business model as a farmer is based on selling or providing a particular thing to restaurants, or to hotels, they can't just shift on a dime what they're doing, is what I hear.

RS: Yeah, exactly. And I will just clarify: Very few of them actually do sell directly to restaurants or to hotels. They typically will sell to contractors, very large firms that actually handle the packaging and the transportation.

JJ: Like Cargill or something.

RS: Right, companies like that. And then those folks are the folks that turn around and provide the exact packaging, the exact form that's required, by either food service or grocery.

Medium: Agribusiness Is Using the COVID-19 Crisis to Slash Food-Worker Wages

Medium (4/27/20)

JJ: Let's talk about another aspect of the industry. Listeners may have heard that workers in meatpacking plants, for example, are falling sick in large numbers, and in some cases being threatened with job loss if they want to protect their health. You've written recently for Medium about the conditions for agricultural workers, and in strong terms. What should we know about the way the agricultural system treats people?

RS: Yeah, this is one of the biggest revelations of the pandemic. It is applying a stress test to our entire society, not just the food system. But when it comes to the food system, one of the things that it's revealing is a seamy underside that is well-known to everybody within agriculture, but tends to be a revelation to people outside of agriculture.

Outside of agriculture, I think it's pretty common for people to feel like it is a very vast global web of logistics that delivers anything you want, just in time, because that's the way that most of us experience it. So you imagine computer systems and sophisticated software and blinking lights and high technology, and in fact all of that does exist.

But none of that would work if you didn't have people that were in the soil, working to harvest, that were not actually hacking away at carcasses in meatpacking plants, that weren’t pushing enormous amounts of groceries onto shelves, and doing all of the back-of-the-house work that none of us ever see.

And that system—you know, I’ve referred to this term of “the structure of agriculture”—is a system that looks very much like a social hierarchy that many of us will remember from grade school, where we had slaves at the bottom of the pyramid and the pharaoh or king up at the top of the pyramid, fewer and fewer people benefiting as you go up the pyramid. In agriculture, we still have pretty much that system.

Ricardo Salvador

Ricardo Salvador: "Emancipation never really came to agriculture, in the sense that we still don't pay the full value of the labor that's required to make the entire system work."

And in the United States in particular, because of our history, not very long ago, the people that performed all of the jobs that I just listed right now, or their equivalents, those were performed by enslaved people, people whom we forced to do this for no pay, for no compensation; we appropriated their labor. And that era is not that long ago. As everyone listening knows, emancipation didn't occur, at least officially, until 1865. But the fact is that emancipation never really came to agriculture, in the sense that we still don't pay the full value of the labor that's required to make the entire system work.

Now, I could spend a lot of time talking to you about that. But we recently have been forced to recognize how essential these workers are, by actually giving them that official designation. “Essential” means, “Without you, the whole thing doesn't work.”

But there's asymmetries here. One major asymmetry is we say, on the one hand, that they're essential; we would like to compel them to go to work so that the rest of us could have the comfort of still ordering in our T-bone steaks and what have you. But we don't pay these people in a way that reflects how essential they are. That's one asymmetry.

The other asymmetry is that they do work that no one in this country is willing to do. There's lots of ways that I can support that statement. But one way is that under high periods of unemployment, like the one that we're going into right now, you would think that unemployed people would seek whatever job is available to them. So there is a labor shortage in agriculture to do all of the field labor and packing, processing that I just described. And Americans are not doing that work.

That is actually verifiable. One of the ways that you can verify it is that we have a program that's called the Domestic Guest Worker program, that seeks to backfill for the labor shortage in agriculture when domestic workers will not do that work. And they are required to show that they've advertised, that they've recruited, that they've done everything possible to hire citizens to do this work, and only when they've certified that they can't get enough people domestically to do that work are they then granted an allotment of visas to bring in people from outside of the country. And that's actually how we run the food chain.

So they're essential in the sense that there's a supply-and-demand issue. There's a mismatch of supply and demand. There's a demand for agricultural labor. We're not filling in it domestically, so we bring in people internationally, migrants, to do this work for us. And we exploit them, because we don't pay them the fair value of their labor. So that's the structure of our food system. It's very much modeled on antebellum plantation economics.

JJ: It reminds me, also, of restaurants, the so-called “tipped wage,” so that you can pay someone $2.13 an hour, and that stemming, the history of that coming from restaurants, along with the Pullman Porter company, just not wanting to pay formerly enslaved people, and wanting them to have to rely on tips, and that continues with us today. And every time folks try to get rid of that tipped wage, or to raise it, the restaurant industry complains that they simply don't—it's another category of person that has been designated “essential, but expendable,” you might say.

RS: That's it exactly.

JJ: And I learned from you that, cravenly, the farm industry, those domestic guest workers that you were just talking about, the industry is now trying to cut their wages?

RS: There's a phenomenon that all of us are observing at the moment that.... We could make this a political conversation, and I will try to steer away from that. But the fact is that policy is involved, and the phenomenon that I'm referring to is the phenomenon that's known typically as the fog of war. When you have a major crisis that is absorbing the public's attention, this is a prime time to try to push through policy goals that normally would just be completely intolerable, unpalatable, to the public.

And so one of those goals is that, in spite of the obviously exploitative nature of the structure of the food system that I've just described to you, major players in the system still want to squeeze more out of that supply chain, and they don't see the workers as people who have the same needs as they and everybody else in this country do, to have such things as, for instance, occupational safety standards applied to their workplace, to have health benefits, to have retirement benefits, to earn enough to have dignified livelihood, meaning you can afford decent housing, you can afford to feed yourself and your family.

We actually see them as “inputs”; that’s special agricultural language. “Inputs” is the machinery you need, the tractors and all of that, it's the fertilizers, the seeds that you need, and so on. And labor is seen as an input. And the way that you try to fatten up your profits is to cut the cost of your inputs, so that you get greater margin.

So this is the policy agenda that is being driven right now under this fog of war underneath the pandemic. The language that the secretary of Agriculture, who very much backs this agenda, has used, he says that this is “wage relief for farmers.”

What farmers actually need is fair prices for what they produce, which, by and large, they don't get right now. They don't exist in a competitive environment, and they don't have the leverage where they can actually negotiate fair prices for them. But that's actually what they need. If they could negotiate fair prices, they could afford to have it in their economy to pay all of their costs. But that's not the situation that we have right now.

So what you have is the top of this pyramid that I described earlier, which is essentially the highly concentrated agribusiness sector, attempting to exploit the moment to cut as many costs as possible, and one of those costs is the cost of farm labor. And they’re cravenly taking advantage of the fact that, for all the reasons that I just described, these are people that are politically invisible; they don't have muscle. Many of them are domestic guest workers in the country; they signed paperwork that says they're only here to work in fields, that's all, and when they're done, they return home. Or else they're not documented, and so what are they going to do when they’re exploited? Sue? They have no standing, and so that’s being cravenly exploited.

NYT: A Former Farmworker on American Hypocrisy

New York Times (5/6/20)

There was a very nice piece by Alfredo Corchado in yesterday's New York Times whose headline just captures the situation that we're in right now. The headline is, “If a Worker Is Essential, They Can't Be Illegal.” That's the quandary that we're dealing with right now; that's the hypocrisy that we need to recognize in the nation's labor and immigration policy. We're not valuing these people for, at the very least, the value they bring to the economy, much less as human beings.

JJ: How do we take our understanding of that situation and turn it into action to make things different? What can folks do?

RS: I think we've actually reviewed some of these things, so I'll give you a real quick list. So I mentioned that this is a stress test of the food system, and so the brittle points, the cracking points, they've become readily available.

We need a food system that is fungible, that has redundancy built in. The so-called efficiencies that have been built into the highly specialized industrial model that we have right now, we are now learning, do not serve us when you have a situation where a single thing that is unpredicted takes out one pillar of the food system, and then the whole thing comes crumbling down. That's not the kind of food system that we need. We need one that is more distributed, meaning that there are more nodes within the food system that can respond in the volumes and quantities and the formats that are necessary for where people are going to be using this food.

Now, a very good example of that is that the farmers that are doing well right now are the so-called small-scale family farmers. These are folks that produce in volumes, and who redistribute in local and regional networks, where they can respond very quickly, to where the schools are now becoming redistribution points for SNAP, for instance, or for school food that needs to be picked up by students that otherwise might not have access to that food, because they’re not coming to school every day, and so on. Or through farmers markets, another very important redistribution method which is very fungible. So we're learning that that's actually what works; we need to invest more in these kinds of highly distributed systems, and less in the highly concentrated systems.

We need to reform immigration policy to recognize the economic value and the human rights that we need to accord to everyone that's making us wealthy and keeping us well-fed in this country. We need to reform labor standards so that it's safe for people that are working in the fields, and it looks like they're living in the 21st century, and not back in the 19th century or the 18th century.

And there are very specific people who are responsible for making the decisions that I've just described. Everybody can talk to their congressional representatives and have them talk to their congressional leadership, the senior leadership of Congress, because these are the people who were pressured by the folks that are at the top of the food system pyramid. And the folks at the top of that food system pyramid, I'll just give you some actual organizations and names.

Probably the single most influential agricultural lobby is the American Farm Bureau Federation. They say they represent farmers, but they actually represent agribusiness. And the president of that organization is Zippy Duvall. Let that man know what you think about everything that you've heard here.

Somebody else that plays a very big role in terms of fruits and vegetable production in the United States is the president of the Western Growers Association. That individual, the president that leads that organization, is a guy by the name of Dave Puglia. Let him know what you would like to see instead of the system that we have right now.

The person that's carrying the water for all of this in the White House is President Trump's chief of staff. He very much says his whole career has been about small government. That individual’s name is Mark Meadows. And by the way, I'll remind everyone that we're living in a time where, to quote Noam Chomsky a couple of weeks ago, every fiscal conservative is hiding their copy of Ayn Rand and is lining up for benefits from the nanny state. There's a lot of hypocrisy that we need to throw in these people's faces, because that's the urgency that the degree of exploitation and dysfunction that we’re living through demands.

Probably one of the biggest cheerleaders for this dysfunctional food system that we have is the current secretary of Agriculture, Secretary Sonny Perdue. I would definitely advise that people let him know that we're seeing everything that they're doing, and the cynicism with which they're treating farm laborers in particular, but the way in which they're using the situation to essentially just throw more money at a system that clearly is failing.

And the last of the people that I’ll name, because they're in the headlines every day, even though folks don't know them by name, these are the folks that run the meatpacking industry in the country. And I particularly recommend people contact Larry Pope, who heads Smithfield Foods, and Noel White, who heads Tyson Foods, because these are the folks that are making the decisions to force people to show up to work. They're interested in maintaining share value more than they're interested in preserving the health of their workers. They put out press releases saying that they value nothing more than the health of their workers, but they're forcing them to work under highly unsafe conditions, given the etiology of this particular pandemic, the coronavirus.

We know how to stave further spread, but they're actually not willing to adopt the recommendations that come from CDC, specifically, because it would slow their production line; it would slow their volume. Well, this is happening to them anyway, which is why they're reacting in a way that demonstrates plutocracy in action: They've told the president what to do, and the president responded by saying, through an executive order, that these plants must remain open, implicitly that workers are compelled to show up to work against their health interests. So these are the sorts of things that these leaders are condoning, that they need to hear about, that eaters are not going to support.

JJ: We've been speaking with Ricardo Salvador of the Food and Environment Program at the Union of Concerned Scientists. They're online at uscusa.org. You can read his piece, “Agribusiness Is Using the Covid-19 Crisis to Slash Food-Worker Wages,” on Medium.com. Thank you very much, Ricardo Salvador, for joining us this week on CounterSpin.

 

RS: Thank you very much for the opportunity.

 











Frank Figliuzzi Trump's 'Obamagate' comments and Barr's Flynn meddling suggest troubling new pivot





(The article is by a former FBI Assistant Director for Counterintelligence, not some crackpot.)
“Forecasting is a lot easier when there are clear clues. And when it comes to assessing the trap Attorney General William Barr and President Donald Trump appear to be setting for us, the warning signs are plentiful. We don't need to read tea leaves for this. We only need to review tweets.”







KEOLIS added additional service [prior to the PANDEMIC] and trains were packed - standing room only.

The parking lot in LAKEVILLE was close to packed, yet the new proposed parking lot in MIDDLEBORO will be smaller.

More worrisome is:

"Freetown will also feature 107 parking spaces, with 220 parking spaces at Fall River Depot..."

This is Charlie Baker's brain fart that only anticipates 327 RIDERS?

At a cost of + $1 BILLION? 

There were no ridership projections available when MASSDOT initially proposed this plan.

MASSDOT designed the outrageous fiasco at 495 & 105 that is a bottleneck, poorly designed and avoided by locals.



A message from South Coast Rail:

We are excited to announce that the MBTA’s Fiscal and Management Control Board (FMCB) approved the first major construction contract to build South Coast Rail’s Fall River Secondary on May 11. The low bidder is the Joint Venture of Skanska DW White, with a bid of about $159 million. Since the groundbreaking in July 2019, South Coast Rail has spent close to $100 million on construction work, real estate acquisition, vehicle procurement, and related design and contract management and administration. This contract award is another major milestone as the project continues to move forward.

The contractor will build two new Commuter Rail stations – one in Freetown and one in Fall River. The new Freetown Station and Fall River Depot Station will both include accessible high-level side platforms and feature additional amenities that include a drop-off area and bicycle parking. Including designated accessible parking and parking for electric vehicles, Freetown will also feature 107 parking spaces, with 220 parking spaces at Fall River Depot. Fall River will also include a bus drop-off area on North Main Street.

The contract package also includes a layover facility for train storage in Fall River at Weaver’s Cove. The facility features six tracks where trains will be stored before beginning service daily and after ending service. The secure site will also have an 1,800-square-foot crew building and parking areas for employees.

The Fall River Secondary contract also includes work on twelve miles of track, eight railroad bridges, one under-grade bridge, ten grade crossings, six interlockings, ten culverts, and additional systems infrastructure. The project includes the installation of new rail, ballast, and sub ballast; raising the track in some locations; and installing ballast vibration mitigation. Retaining walls will be constructed as required. The railroad bridges are in Lakeville, Freetown, and Fall River.
The MBTA has obtained all required permits to begin construction, which is expected to take thirty months and begin this summer. The total contract amount awarded to Skanska DW White JV was $158,975,000.

Read more about the award in the MBTA’s media release
The MBTA also advertised the second major construction package for the New Bedford/Middleborough Line today. This contract includes constructing four new stations - one in Middleborough, one in East Taunton, and the Church Street and New Bedford Stations, as well as a new layover facility in New Bedford. More details will be provided in future emails. By later this year, both contracts will be underway. The project team has been meeting regularly with Phase 1 communities and will continue to do so as the project advances. Phase 1 service is anticipated to be up and running by the end of 2023.

Please be advised that effective March 25, 2020, MassDOT, MBTA, its consultants and contractors must maintain full compliance with the Commonwealth’s COVID-19 Guidelines and Procedures for All Construction Sites and Workers at All Public Works Sites until further notice.
Depending on the timing of events, the project will continue virtual public meetings or resume public meetings as the project advances.

For more information, see the project website: www.mass.gov/southcoastrail. If you have any questions or comments, please email SouthCoastRail@dot.state.ma.us.
Thank you for your interest in South Coast Rail,

Jean Fox, Director of Community Engagement
















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