Showing posts with label PARK CANNON. Show all posts
Showing posts with label PARK CANNON. Show all posts

Saturday, April 3, 2021

RSN: Garrison Keillor | Still Thinking of George Floyd, Wishing I'd Known Him

 

 

Reader Supported News
02 April 21

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Garrison Keillor | Still Thinking of George Floyd, Wishing I'd Known Him
Garrison Keillor. (photo: Dave Schwarz/St. Cloud Times)
Garrison Keillor, Garrison Keillor's Website
Keillor writes: "I am still thinking about George Floyd almost a year after he died with the cop's knee on his neck because it was in south Minneapolis, a few blocks from the Brethren Meeting Hall I attended as a kid, near where my aunts Margaret and Ruby lived."

 I wish I had met him but I didn’t patronize the Conga Latin Bistro where he worked security and I didn’t eat at the Trinidadian café he liked. He’d come here from his hometown of Houston where he grew up in the projects in Beyoncé’s old neighborhood. He was a high school basketball star, went to college but it didn’t take, did some hip-hop and rap, did drugs, did prison time, and got religion. He attended a charismatic church that met on a basketball court and he was the guy who hauled a horse-watering trough out on the floor for the pastor to baptize people in. He came north to get in a drug rehab program and change his life.

He’d been unusually tall since middle school and knew that this made him appear threatening and to avoid trouble, he adopted a friendly demeanor all his life. He grew to 6’7” and 225 lbs. He made himself meek and blessed are the meek. He was easygoing, even sort of shy. Shaking hands, he used two hands. He was a hugger. He could lift up a troublemaker and carry him out of the Club. He tried to dance but was too tall, and people laughed at him, and he didn’t mind. He kept a Bible by his bed and in his struggles with addiction, he and his girlfriend Courteney made a practice of standing together, hand in hand, and reciting the Lord’s Prayer and the Twenty-third Psalm. A tall Black man far from his family, dealing with demons, stood close to his girlfriend and they both said, “Yea, though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death, I will fear no evil: for thou art with me” and declared their faith in goodness and mercy.

He was accused of passing a counterfeit $20 bill and he died with the officer’s knee on his neck and thanks to the onlookers who recorded his death with their cellphones, it became the most famous death in a viral year of anonymous deaths, and he was made into a social cause. This gentle giant had never expressed himself as a victim; he grew up well-loved and all his life he never felt excluded but loved the ones he was with, just as Christ told him to do. Everyone was his neighbor.

South Minneapolis in my youth was highly segregated, no different from any Southern city, and if Margaret or Ruby had met George, they might have been alarmed. When I was 17, my friends and I played basketball against a team of big Black guys in Minneapolis and we were scared speechless and could hardly dribble the ball. George was aware of the effect of his size and color but his gentleness won the day, and if he had spoken the psalm to my aunts and held out his hand, I believe they would’ve taken it in theirs. They would be moved that he knew the words by heart, the green pastures and still waters, the paths of righteousness. George knew the meaning of “Thou preparest a table before me in the presence of mine enemies” — it means that even in the midst of hate, there is beauty and generosity and goodness.

There is also silliness. Our secular liberal society does not know how to honor a godly man and in honor of George Floyd, white institutions issued reams of mission statements about inclusivity and diversity and banning words such as “master” that might be triggers. The “Massa” in Massachusetts could be a trigger and maybe it should change its name to Minnechusetts. To me, this isn’t justice, it’s masturbation, but in the world we live in, gesture trumps reality.

George Floyd was a religious man and the corner where he died is now a shrine. The mob that burned and looted after his death mistook him for something else. Minneapolis is honored by his life, the fact that he sought redemption here. He has already forgiven the cop. I know this. We can honor him by reaching out to others in trouble, as we are, and taking their hand and saying, “The Lord is my shepherd, I shall not want” and the pasture and waters and if I forget the rod and the staff, or if I skip the anointing of the head with oil and go to the cup running over, you correct me, and in so doing, you and I will light a candle on the table that’s been prepared for us. God rest your soul, George, and in perpetual light may you at last be able to dance.

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Pro-Trump mob storm the Capitol on 6 January 2021. (photo: John Minchillo/AP)
Pro-Trump mob storm the Capitol on 6 January 2021. (photo: John Minchillo/AP)


Oath Keepers Founder Swapped Calls With Members During Capitol Attack
Victoria Bekiempis, Guardian UK
Bekiempis writes: 

Stewart Rhodes made numerous calls with three members of the far-right group, prosecutors say in new indictment

he founder of far-right group the Oath Keepers, Stewart Rhodes, his lieutenant, and three members of the militia who guarded Donald Trump ally Roger Stone swapped numerous phone calls in a three-hour period on 6 January when the Capitol was attacked by a mob, prosecutors said Thursday.

These exchanges coincided with the initial assault on police barricades outside Congress, and continued into when the three guards breached the US Capitol building, according to the Washington Post.

Prosecutors made this claim in a new indictment, which added two of these guards – Joshua James and Roberto Minuta – to an ongoing Oath Keepers conspiracy case. James and Minuta were both previously charged.

The case has 12 defendants, who are facing charges such as conspiracy, and obstruction of an official proceeding. Four of these co-defendants, including James and Minuta, have yet to enter pleas. The others have pleaded not guilty.

“In response to a call for individuals to head to the Capitol after the building was breached, James and Minuta drove to the Capitol in a golf cart, at times swerving around law enforcement vehicles with Minuta stating, ‘Patriots are storming the Capitol … so we’re en route in a grand theft auto golf cart to the Capitol building right now … it’s going down guys’,” federal prosecutors said.

Rhodes has previously denied there was a plan to breach Congress and insisted that authorities were trying to establish a bogus conspiracy. “I may go to jail soon, not for anything I actually did, but for made-up crimes,” he remarked to Texas Republicans during a recent rally in Laredo.

Rhodes also implored ex-president Trump’s supporters to “not cower in fear”, maintaining that federal authorities were “trying to get rid of us so they can get to you”. Rhodes also reportedly said: “If we actually intended to take over the Capitol, we’d have taken it, and we’d have brought guns.”

Neither Rhodes nor Stone have yet been accused of wrongdoing, The Post noted.

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Chicago police shot and killed 13-year-old Adam Toledo. (photo: Toledo Family)
Chicago police shot and killed 13-year-old Adam Toledo. (photo: Toledo Family)

ALSO SEE: Police Officers Are Prosecuted for Murder in
Less Than 2 Percent of Fatal Shootings

Family of 13-Year-Old Boy Killed by Chicago Police Call Incident a 'Reprehensible Crime,' Call for Justice
Jessica D'Onofrio, ABC 7 Chicago
D'Onofrio writes: "The family of a 13-year-old boy killed by Chicago police earlier this week in an 'armed confrontation' has hired an attorney and wants to seek justice for his death."

Adam Toledo, 13-year-old shot in Little Village, wanted to become a police officer, family said


Adam Toledo was shot and killed by police Monday after an early morning Shot Spotter alert in the 2300-block of South Sawyer.

The teen was identified Thursday as Toledo of Little Village by the Cook County medical examiner's office.

Officers say the 13-year-old was armed and fled from police with another suspect.

Toledo's life ended in an alley after what Chicago police say was an "armed confrontation." The officer fired one shot, according to the Civilian Office of Police Accountability.

Police shared a photo of a gun allegedly recovered at the scene. A second suspect, 21-year-old Ruben Roman, is charged in the incident with a misdemeanor for resisting an officer.

A source told ABC 7 Chicago Roman is a known gang member.

The boy's family released a statement overnight Thursday, calling his death the result of "unreasonable conduct of a Chicago Police Officer."

The statement also said that although Toledo was killed Monday, his family was not notified for two days.

"Adam was a seventh grade student at Garvey School, enjoyed sports and was a good kid. He did not deserve to die the way he did," the statement said. "The Toledo Family will seek justice for this reprehensible crime."

Weiss Ortiz PC is now representing the family.

Alderman George Cardenas of the 12th Ward said Friday that questions remain as to why Roman was with Toledo in the middle of the night.

"We need to get ahold of ourselves and right the rudder in a big way, and that's the outreach to youth organizations to see what's going on on the ground, and it's gonna take some resources, but we have to do it," Cardenas said.

Ramiro Rodriguez is pastor of Amor de Dios United Methodist Church, which is right next to the shooting scene. He said he's worried about the youth in the area.

"This year we're gonna have 15 years serving our community, making sure our people, our young kids, have food on their tables. And look what happened: We are losing a child every year," he said.

Chicago Mayor Lori Lightfoot is calling for the release of bodycam video from the incident.

The incident was caught on body camera video, but is unable to be released without a court order given Toledo's young age, according to COPA.

A spokesperson for COPA said in an updated statement late Thursday: "COPA is currently making every effort and researching all legal avenues that will allow for the public release of all video materials which capture the tragic fatal shooting of 13 year old Adam Toledo."

"He was so full of life," said Elizabeth Toledo, his mother, on Thursday. "They just took it away from him."

Toledo was overwhelmed with loss and surrounded by family as she planned her 13-year-old son's funeral.

"I just want justice. I just want answers ... what happened?" Toledo said. "I just want justice for my son. That's all."

Toledo's mom said he used to sneak out at night while she was asleep, and she had filed a missing person's report for her son last Thursday after she noticed he was missing.

She told ABC7 that Toledo eventually came back on Saturday, but had snuck out again Sunday night.

"Why did he shot at him if there's other ways?" Toledo said. "He was a little boy. Obviously he was gonna get scared."

Toledo's mom said he had aspirations of becoming a police officer one day.

The officer involved in the shooting was placed on desk duty for 30 days while the Civilian Office of Police Accountability investigates the shooting, police said.

FULL STATEMENT FROM TOLEDO FAMILY

"Adam Toledo was killed early Monday morning, due to the unreasonable conduct of a Chicago Police Officer. We are confident that the Chicago Police Department and the Civilian Office of Police Accountability will conduct a thorough investigation, that there will be transparency, and that Toledo Family wilt find out the truth of what happened to Adam. Adam was killed on March 29th, 2021, but the Toledo Family was only notified of his death two days later. Adam was a seventh grade student at Garvey School, enjoyed sports and was a good kid. He did not deserve to die the way he did. The Toledo Family will seek justice for this reprehensible crime and requests privacy during this time of mourning. The Toledo Family is represented by Weiss Ortiz PC."


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State Rep. Park Cannon, D-Atlanta, is placed into the back of a Georgia State Capitol patrol car after being arrested by Georgia State Troopers at the Georgia State Capitol Building in Atlanta, Thursday, March 25, 2021. (photo: Alyssa Pointer/Atlanta Journal Constitution)
State Rep. Park Cannon, D-Atlanta, is placed into the back of a Georgia State Capitol patrol car after being arrested by Georgia State Troopers at the Georgia State Capitol Building in Atlanta, Thursday, March 25, 2021. (photo: Alyssa Pointer/Atlanta Journal Constitution)


Georgia Lawmaker Arrested for Knocking on Gov. Kemp's Door Calls Possible 8-Year Prison Term 'Unfounded'
Marquise Francis, Yahoo! News
Francis writes: 

eorgia state Rep. Park Cannon, who was arrested last week after attempting to gain access to the office where Gov. Brian Kemp was signing a controversial voting restriction bill into law, said Thursday that her actions were justified.

“I felt as if time was moving in slow motion,” Cannon said, fighting back tears as she described the details of the incident. “My experience was painful, both physically and emotionally, but today I stand before you to say as horrible as that experience was ... I believe the governor signing into law the most comprehensive voter suppression bill in the country is a far more serious crime.”

It was the first time Cannon has spoken publicly about the incident since her arrest. Video of her knocking on the door to Kemp’s office before being forcibly removed by police went viral on social media, drawing further attention to the new restrictions on voting.

Flanked by a handful of supporters and fellow Democratic lawmakers at the base of a mural of civil rights icon John Lewis in Atlanta, Cannon described the law as a “voter suppression bill” and said that with “one stroke of a pen” Kemp “erased decades of sacrifices, incalculable hours of work, marches, prayers, tears and ... minimized the deaths of thousands who have paid the ultimate price to vote.”

The Election Integrity Act of 2021, or Senate Bill 202, imposes new voter ID requirements for absentee ballots, limits the number of drop boxes across the state and gives state-level officials the power to take over county election boards, possibly allowing GOP officials to decide the ballot count in Democratic strongholds.

The bill, which Kemp signed into law just over an hour after it was passed in the General Assembly, also criminalizes passing out food or drinks to voters waiting in line.

Republicans say the law’s stricter requirements will ensure that future Georgia elections will be more secure, but Democrats contend it was designed to suppress the elderly and Black vote, and was written in direct response to GOP losses in the 2020 presidential election in the state as well as two runoff contests that handed Democrats control of the U.S. Senate. A record 5 million Georgians voted in the last election cycle.

Fortune 500 companies based in Georgia and others headquartered nationally, including Delta, Home Depot and Coca-Cola, have condemned the new election law.

In a Wednesday memo to Delta employees, CEO Ed Bastian said it was “evident that the bill includes provisions that will make it harder for many underrepresented voters, particularly Black voters, to exercise their constitutional right to elect their representatives. That is wrong.”

Cannon is now facing two felony charges from last week’s arrest — obstruction and preventing or disrupting a General Assembly session, according to the Fulton County Department of Public Safety website.

She told reporters Thursday that she is facing eight years in prison for those charges, which she called “unfounded.” Georgia Attorney General Christopher Carr did not respond to a request from Yahoo News for comment for this story.

Park’s attorneys say the Democratic legislator is now raising money for her legal defense on a GoFundMe page titled “I Stand With Park.”

The fund’s initial goal is set at $1 million, and the page says that “any remaining funds will be used to protect Voting Rights.”

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Security footage from an immigration detention facility in Arizona shows staff firing pepper spray at detainees who were peacefully protesting on April 13, 2020. (photo: DHS)
Security footage from an immigration detention facility in Arizona shows staff firing pepper spray at detainees who were peacefully protesting on April 13, 2020. (photo: DHS)


DHS Watchdog Finds Widespread Mistreatment of Immigrants at ICE Facility
Camilo Montoya-Galvez, CBS News
Montoya-Galvez writes: "Immigrants held at an immigration detention center in Arizona were subject to widespread mistreatment last year, ranging from inadequate medical care to excessive punishment for peacefully protesting lax coronavirus mitigation efforts, an internal government watchdog found."

During a remote inspection of the La Palma Correctional Center in Eloy, Arizona, the Department of Homeland Security's Office of Inspector General (OIG) found violations that jeopardized "the health, safety, and rights" of detainees, according to a report published Thursday. Citing nearly 1,300 grievances from immigrants held at the detention facility, the internal watchdog said detainees depicted "an environment of mistreatment and verbal abuse."

Immigrants held at the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) detention center in Eloy, which is run by a for-profit prison company, told inspectors they held peaceful protests in April 2020 because they were concerned that staff was not providing them the necessary protective equipment to curb the spread of the coronavirus. The detention center's staff deployed pepper spray to quell one of the protests on April 13, according to Thursday's report and surveillance footage.

A screenshot of the surveillance footage from April 13 shows several dozen detainees sitting or standing outside their holding cells and inside the common eating area as part of a peaceful protest. Another screenshot from later that day shows at least a dozen facility employees, many equipped with riot shields, aiming handheld pepper spray devices at a smaller group of detainees laying on the floor. The image captures one staffer spraying an immigrant who appears to be trying to stand up.

One immigrant detainee said he was injured by the pepper spray balls, but did not file a grievance report fearing reprisals by facility staff. Those who did file grievances had their complaints rejected by detention center employees, the OIG report said.

Detainees told inspectors that immigrants who participated in the protests were also punished "with lengthy stays in segregation." According to the inspectors, those held in segregation reported being denied access to clean bedding and clothing, legal materials, the commissary, haircuts and recreation — required services for all detainees.

In addition to the alleged physical abuse, the report found that facility staff demeaned and verbally abused detainees, citing one grievance by an immigrant who reported being called a racial slur by a staffer who allegedly hanged up a family call and threatened to pepper spray him.

Thursday's report corroborated detainees' concerns about the spread of the coronavirus inside the Arizona detention facility. Inspectors said they found that facility staff failed to ensure all detainees had and used face masks and practiced social distancing, noting the lax protocols "may have contributed to the widespread COVID-19 outbreak at the facility."

In August, more than 200 of 1,200 immigrants held at the Eloy facility tested positive for the coronavirus.

Inspectors also detailed subpar medical services, a common finding in external and internal reports on ICE's sprawling detention system, which is primarily comprised of county jails and detention facilities operated by for-prison companies, like CoreCivic. The reports said the Eloy's facility medical unit was "critically understaffed," citing 21 vacancies that inspectors determined may have slowed responses to detainee sick calls and efforts to provide immigrants prescribed medication.

"One detainee, who is a cancer patient, ran out of leukemia medication after the medical staff did not order a refill on time," the report said. "Since the detainee did not hold the medication, he was not aware of when the medication was running out or how long it would take medical staff to obtain a refill."

DHS inspectors found that employees at the Arizona detention facility had properly complied with ICE rules on separating immigrants with only civil immigration violations from those with criminal records. All immigrants held by ICE, including those with criminal charges or convictions, are, legally, in civil detention.

In its response to the report, ICE disagreed with most of the findings. It said the use-of-force examples cited in the report complied with the agency's detention rules set in 2011 and that staff who mistreated detainees "received remedial action." The agency also maintained that it was offering immigrants in segregation the required services.

ICE said the Eloy facility was complying with Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) protocols to mitigate the spread of the coronavirus. The agency said it has provided immigrants in the facility soap and face coverings, as well as training on social distancing.

A spokeswoman for CoreCivic told CBS News that the company agrees with ICE's response, saying the report "has it wrong about [La Palma Correctional Center] in more ways than it has it right."

"We operate every day in a challenging environment that was made all the more difficult by a pandemic with which the entire world has and continues to struggle with," spokeswoman Amanda Gilchrist said in a statement. "We always appreciate the feedback and accountability that our partners provide, and we strive every day to do better in our service to them and the people in our care."

DHS inspectors noted that during a follow-up inspection in 2021, the Eloy detention center was complying with rules related to medical services for immigrants in segregation. The report also said the facility instituted a new policy requiring staff to monitor and automatically refill the medication for detainees with chronic medical conditions.

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UNICEF nutritionist Stefany Martinez diagnoses 11-month-old Dilcia Cajbon with acute malnutrition on March 26. (photo: Kevin Sieff/The Washington Post)
UNICEF nutritionist Stefany Martinez diagnoses 11-month-old Dilcia Cajbon with acute malnutrition on March 26. (photo: Kevin Sieff/The Washington Post)


The Reason Many Guatemalans Are Coming to the Border? A Profound Hunger Crisis.
Kevin Sieff, The Washington Post
Sieff writes: "So far this year, more unaccompanied minors processed by immigration agents are from Guatemala than any other country. Analysts and U.S. officials refer obliquely to 'poverty' as an underlying cause of that influx. But often the reason is far more specific: hunger."

he team of nutritionists looked at 11-month-old Dilcia Cajbon, her ribs visible through her skin, and they knew immediately.

“Severe acute malnutrition,” said Stefany Martinez, the leader of the UNICEF team, as the child was lifted onto a scale.

Like many in this rural stretch of Guatemala, Dilcia’s family was down to one meal a day. Storms had flooded the nearby palm plantation, the biggest source of local employment. To eke out what little the family had to eat, Dilcia’s mother had held off on giving her youngest child solid food.

As more and more Central American families arrive at the United States’ southern border, the municipality of Panzós offers a stark illustration of the deepening food crisis that is contributing to the new wave of migration.

So far this year, more unaccompanied minors processed by immigration agents are from Guatemala than any other country. Analysts and U.S. officials refer obliquely to “poverty” as an underlying cause of that influx. But often the reason is far more specific: hunger.

“What we hear is, ‘If I can’t get food on my table, what am I doing here?’ ” said Ana María Méndez, Oxfam’s Guatemala country director.

Guatemala now has the sixth-highest rate of chronic malnutrition in the world. The number of acute cases in children, according to one new Guatemalan government study, doubled between 2019 and 2020.

The crisis was caused in part by failed harvests linked to climate change, a string of natural disasters and a nearly nonexistent official response. Supply-chain disruptions then led to a spike in prices. The cost of beans in Guatemala went up 19.6 percent last year, according to the World Food Program.

In interviews with migrants preparing to leave Guatemala and others who have recently arrived in the United States, the majority mentioned food insecurity as a significant factor in their decisions to leave. In Indigenous communities in the country’s western highlands, where a disproportionate number of people are leaving, the chronic child malnutrition rate hovers around 70 percent, higher than any country in the world.

“When we stopped working, we stopped eating,” said Guillermo Chub, from the village of Tinajitas in Panzós, who plans to emigrate in the coming months.

Chub said he lost his job on the palm plantation late last year when the Polochic River flooded, destroying the farmland on either side of it. The federal government sent food that lasted only one day. As his family reduced their daily meals from three to two to one, he decided it was time to head to the United States.

Panzós was one of the municipalities prioritized by the Obama administration and the Guatemalan government in 2015, when the United States tried to deter a previous wave of migration. President Barack Obama created a $1 billion aid package that was meant to tackle the root causes of migration, including food insecurity.

But the malnutrition rate here — and across Guatemala — has increased since that aid effort was implemented. The collective impact of hurricanes, droughts, an economic contraction and a government seemingly unconcerned with inequality has far outstripped any piecemeal development efforts.

“At this pace, it will require 100 years for Guatemala to eradicate chronic malnutrition,” said Carlos Carrera, the country director for UNICEF.

In a new report, the World Food Program predicts 428,000 Guatemalans will have reached a “Phase 4” level of food-insecurity emergency this year — the highest before famine.

Aid groups are trying to prevent that. When the UNICEF team identified malnourished children such as Dilcia in Panzós last week, they gave the families packages of special supplementary food. But it would be up to the Guatemalan health department to follow up on those cases, which, in remote parts of the country, was unlikely.

Now, as the Biden administration prepares to launch its own $4 billion aid package aimed at reducing migration from Central America, U.S. officials are discovering anew how deeply rooted the causes are. Even as Guatemala’s gross domestic product has grown, its malnutrition rate has continued to rise. Last year, the pandemic thrust an additional 1 million Guatemalans into poverty, according to the World Bank.

In the department of Quiché, farmers said their harvests last year were devastated by a historic drought. The cost of fertilizer had risen. Movement restrictions during the pandemic meant that farmers couldn’t find day labor jobs to make up for those losses.

“We went days without eating,” said Juan Hernandez, 45, who is planning to leave his village of Xix in the coming days. “Sometimes we just shared tortillas.”

A smuggler is charging $15,000 to take Hernandez and his 19-year-old daughter to Florida, he said. He didn’t have a “single dollar,” but he would borrow the money at interest from friends already living and working in the United States.

With increasingly easy access to human smugglers and the loans to pay them, many here now weigh the risks of migration against a worsening standard of living. Even the country’s poorest people can secure the means of migration — albeit through predatory lenders and often exploitative smuggling networks. Many have friends or relatives who have made the trip successfully, sending WhatsApp messages touting their new jobs.

In the country’s highlands, large homes paid for by those already in the United States — what some scholars call “remittance architecture” — are daily reminders of the upside of migration. But they’ve also created a new dynamic in rural Guatemala, where a growing divide has emerged between those mired in poverty and malnutrition and those, sometimes living just yards away, who have entered a kind of middle-class life through American wages.

“They say you get a job within two days to a week,” Hernandez said. “Some work in the fields, others in construction.”

In the northwestern town of Cuilco last year, an unprecedented snowstorm wiped out acres of cornfields, devastating both the area’s labor market and its source of food in a single blow. Celso, 16, had a conversation with his father as the family of five struggled to piece together three meals a day. As the oldest son, he was seen as bearing responsibility for the family.

“We both decided that I should go to help,” he said.

Celso arrived in South Florida in January. He owed his smuggler $8,000, so he began cutting plywood at a construction site for $10.50 per hour, rather than attending high school. He’s studying English at night.

Other children had responded to that same calculus.

“I came because we didn’t have anything to eat,” 12-year-old Oscar told an Agence France-Presse videographer through tears last week after crossing the Rio Grande.

He walked along a dirt road with a group of other children and families, all seeking to turn themselves in to Border Patrol agents.

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Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y. (photo: Caroline Brehman/Getty)
Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y. (photo: Caroline Brehman/Getty)


'Green New Deal' Leaders See Biden Climate Plans as Partial Victory
Danielle Kurtzleben, NPR
Kurtzleben writes: 

ep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez had a blunt initial response to the prospect of a new, climate-focused infrastructure package weighing in at around $2 trillion.

"The size of it is disappointing. It's not enough," she said.

However, in President Biden's new plan — not to mention the conversation within the Democratic Party around climate change — Ocasio-Cortez also sees success for the Green New Deal that she, Massachusetts Sen. Ed Markey and grassroots climate activists championed.

The White House plan did end up including priorities that Ocasio-Cortez said she was excited to see: strengthening unions, for example, as well as a focus on communities hit hardest by climate change.

"One thing that I am very excited about is that I do believe that we have been able to influence a lot of thinking on climate and infrastructure," she said. "As much as I think some parts of the party try to avoid saying 'Green New Deal' and really dance around and try to not use that term, ultimately, the framework I think has been adopted."

The New York Democratic representative spoke to NPR this week hours before final details on Biden's much-awaited infrastructure package were released. That plan would spend $2 trillion over eight years, much of it on mitigating the climate crisis. It is the first of a two-part push on an expansive array of infrastructure initiatives, green energy projects, as well as social programs that the administration refers to as "human infrastructure," that is estimated to be around $3 to $4 trillion.

Ocasio-Cortez and other progressives want more than double that rate of spending.

Her comments mirror the tension in how progressives view the Biden administration's climate change agenda, as a clear sign that with measures like the Green New Deal, they have reframed the policy conversation... albeit not nearly to the scale of their liking.

Varshini Prakash is executive director of the Sunrise Movement, one of the main activist groups pushing for the Green New Deal. She applauded multiple aspects of Biden's climate policy — for example, the commitment to spend 40% of the infrastructure plan's money on "disadvantaged communities," as well as a New Deal-inspired plan to create green jobs.

"I think the Civilian Climate Corps was something that we didn't anticipate being a priority for the administration right away," she said.

Biden called for the creation of that corps in his January executive orders on climate change — orders that climate groups widely supported.

However, the $10 billion his new infrastructure plan calls for spending on it is far too little, says Prakash.

"We're just orders of magnitude lower than where we need to be," she said. "And I think that that fight over the scale and scope of what needs to happen in terms of employment and the creation of jobs, in terms of the scale of investment and the urgency is going to be a terrain of struggle as this plan gets debated and discussed in Congress."

With Democrats holding a modest majority in the House and the thinnest possible majority in the Senate, getting this infrastructure plan passed will require a balancing act of keeping both progressives and moderates happy. In the House, Congressional Progressive Caucus leader Rep. Pramila Jayapal, D-Wash., called Biden's plan "a welcome first step," but added that "more must be done to improve on this initial framework."

Meanwhile, moderate Democrats in the Senate may hesitate at spending several more trillion, on top of the latest COVID-19 relief package.

From carbon taxes to the Green New Deal

The Green New Deal was never a hard-and-fast policy proposal; it was a nonbinding resolution that broadly called for an overhaul of the economy intended to benefit workers and the environment. That overhaul included a long list of progressive ideas, like guaranteed jobs with paid leave.

Candidate Joe Biden did not fully embrace the Green New Deal on the campaign trail — certainly not to the degree that, for example, Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders did.

But Biden did speak approvingly of it, calling it on his campaign website "a crucial framework for meeting the climate challenges we face." And once he gained the nomination, Prakash and Ocasio-Cortez were both on the Biden-Sanders Unity Task Force on climate, part of an effort to create policy consensus within the party last year. Both Prakash and Ocasio-Cortez credited the Biden team for its openness to their ideas.

Altogether, Ocasio-Cortez says, she thinks that the Green New Deal shifted both policy and how politicians talk about that policy.

"Pre-Green [New Deal] rollout, a lot of the conversation around climate policy was very scientific and also very capitalist, very — carbon taxes. It was very, 'Let's nudge the market tax incentives,' things like that, which is not to say all of those things are bad, but the idea that the market is going to fix a problem that is created by the market is just, in my view, it's not correct," she said.

"What the Green New Deal did was that we said and we spoke about how we need to use a New Deal framework for public policy and to address climate change, which means a full economic mobilization and using an infrastructure and jobs creation plan," she said.

It's also true that the Democratic Party has started framing climate policies as being more explicitly about improving people's lives.

One crude but telling measure: the Biden campaign's climate change proposal mentioned the word "jobs" 29 times. The Hillary Clinton 2016 proposal: twice.

Likewise, Biden put "environmental justice" in the headline of its plan — a sign of how central that concept has grown in climate conversations in just a few years.

However, forces well beyond climate activists and the Green New Deal may have also precipitated this shift, says Paul Bledsoe, who was a climate adviser to former President Bill Clinton and is now a strategic advisor at the centrist Democratic think tank the Progressive Policy Institute.

"I think that Americans during the pandemic have come to appreciate the role of government in emergencies and are increasingly viewing climate change as our next biggest emergency and therefore [are] more comfortable with a government-led response that focuses on incentives for clean technology," he said.

Whatever the cause, however, the upshot is the same: a newly expansive climate policy.

"It seems clear that Biden is determined to use large government incentives and investments in clean energy to jumpstart the economy and job creation, and that's a new, more Keynesian approach than has been used in decades," he said.

As a clear show of what more they would like to see, progressives introduced the THRIVE Act this week — a nonbinding resolution cosponsored by more than 60 Democratic members of Congress, including Ocasio-Cortez. The act mirrors the Green New Deal in calling for sweeping change (strengthening unions, providing a range of supports to communities of color), as well as heavy spending (proponents are calling for $10 trillion in spending over a decade).

And that means climate activists will continue the balancing act of both celebrating the White House's plans while also trying to pull them further to the left.

"I think this is a moment where our movement demands and the way we have communicated about this crisis, the connection to jobs, the connection to justice, is making its way into mainstream politics," Prakash said. "And it's a huge victory for all of us."

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RSN: Bragman, Perez and Sirota | Fast Food Giant Claims Credit for Killing $15 Minimum Wage

 

 

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Bragman, Perez and Sirota | Fast Food Giant Claims Credit for Killing $15 Minimum Wage
A Fight for $15 rally. (photo: Metro Justice)
Walker Bragman, Andrew Perez, and David Sirota, The Daily Poster
Excerpt: "The parent company of some of America's largest fast food chains is claiming credit for convincing Congress to exclude a $15 minimum wage from the recent COVID relief bill, according to internal company documents reviewed by The Daily Poster."

In internal company documents, a private-equity owned conglomerate is bragging to its employees about successfully blocking a boost in pay for low-wage workers.

he parent company of some of America’s largest fast food chains is claiming credit for convincing Congress to exclude a $15 minimum wage from the recent COVID relief bill, according to internal company documents reviewed by The Daily Poster. The company, which is owned by a private equity firm named after an Ayn Rand character, also says it is now working to thwart new union rights legislation.

The company’s boasts come just a few months after a government report found that some of its chains had among the highest percentage of workers relying on food stamps.

Inspire Brands — which owns Jimmy Johns, Arby’s, Sonic, and Buffalo Wild Wings, plus recently acquired Dunkin’ Donuts for $11.3 billion in November — on Thursday sent employees and franchisees a review of its government lobbying activity that highlighted its success in keeping the $15 minimum wage out of Democrats’ American Rescue Plan, the COVID-19 relief bill President Joe Biden signed earlier this month.

“We were successful in our advocacy efforts to remove the Raise the Wage Act, which would have increased the federal minimum wage to $15 and eliminated the tip credit,” reads the report.

Further down, the report notes the company’s ongoing lobbying campaign in the Senate against the PRO Act, which recently passed the House and contains a laundry list of organized labor’s goals, such as eliminating right-to-work laws and banning mandatory company-sponsored meetings that are designed to discourage union activity.

“Under this proposed rule, franchisors could be considered the direct employer of the franchise owners in their system, as well as the restaurant workers those owners employ, taking away the independence of small business owners,” the document said.

“You get the impression that they’re actively spitting in our eye, saying ‘Yes, we worked to suppress wages of our employees and we’re just going to brazenly tell you,’” one Inspire Brands worker told The Daily Poster. “I really do think that a line was crossed. You’re just going to brazenly tell your employees, ‘not only did we work to kill wages, but going forward we’re also going to make sure that the PRO Act doesn’t pass either.’”

Inspire Brands did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Government Report On Low Wages Spotlighted Inspire Brands’ Companies

During the 2020 campaign, Democrats pledged to raise the minimum wage to $15 an hour, which would boost the wages of 32 million workers nationwide, according to a recent report by the Economic Policy Institute (EPI).

However, efforts to include a $15 minimum wage in Biden’s pandemic aid bill failed after the Senate parliamentarian advised Democrats such a hike should not be passed by budget reconciliation and Vice President Kamala Harris declined to use her authority to override the decision.

Inspire Brands’ success in eliminating the minimum wage hike from the bill follows Dunkin’ Brands’ then-CEO Nigel Travis saying in 2015 that a $15 wage would be “absolutely outrageous.” At the time, unions noted that Travis was being paid more than $4,000 every hour.

The minimum wage defeat also follows an October 2020 report from the Government Accountability Office finding that low-wage workers at Dunkin’ Donuts, Arby’s, and Sonic were among those relying most heavily on food stamps in states where those franchises operate. In 2019, some Sonic workers walked off the job in Ohio in protest of low pay.

While paying many of its workers below $15, Inspire Brands’ franchises are generating $26 billion in annual revenue and enriching top executives. The founder of Jimmy John’s — which has been accused of busting worker union drives — recently boasted on his website that he was named one of the planet’s wealthiest men.

In the year before Inspire acquired his company, Dunkin’ Brands’ CEO was paid millions and then made millions more when the deal closed.

In government filings that year, Dunkin’ Brands warned investors about the prospect of low-wage workers being paid better.

“A significant number of our franchisees’ food-service employees are paid at rates related to the U.S. federal minimum wage and applicable minimum wages in foreign jurisdictions and past increases in the U.S. federal minimum wage and foreign jurisdiction minimum wage have increased labor costs, as would future such increases,” the company wrote. “Any increases in labor costs might result in franchisees inadequately staffing restaurants. Understaffed restaurants could reduce sales at such restaurants, decrease royalty payments, and adversely affect our brands.”

The company also bragged that “none of our employees are represented by a labor union, and we believe our relationships with our employees are healthy.”

“Our Name Signifies Our Admiration For The Qualities Embodied By Howard Roark”

Inspire Brands is majority owned by Roark Capital — a $23 billion private equity giant named after the self-centered protagonist of Ayn Rand novel The Fountainhead, which is considered a foundational conservative text for the defense of billionaires and economic inequality.

“Our name signifies our admiration for the qualities embodied by Howard Roark,” the firm says on its website. “We are committed to being a good partner in good times, and an even better partner in bad times.”

Donors from Roark-linked companies delivered more than $800,000 of campaign contributions in the 2020 election cycle, mostly to Republicans, according to data compiled by OpenSecrets.

Several state and local retirement systems have invested public employees’ retirement savings in the Roark funds involved in Inspire Brands’ takeover of Dunkin’ Brands last year, including the Oregon State Treasury, the Maryland State Retirement and Pension System, and the Los Angeles City Employees' Retirement System.

In its filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission, Roark advised investors that “portfolio companies of the type targeted” by the firm can be “adversely affected by changes in governmental policies” including the minimum wage.

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State Rep. Park Cannon is placed into the back of a patrol car after being arrested by Georgia state troopers at the Georgia Capitol in Atlanta on March 25, 2021. (photo: Alyssa Pointer/Atlanta Journal-Constitution)
State Rep. Park Cannon is placed into the back of a patrol car after being arrested by Georgia state troopers at the Georgia Capitol in Atlanta on March 25, 2021. (photo: Alyssa Pointer/Atlanta Journal-Constitution)

ALSO SEE: 'Jim Crow in the 21st Century': Biden
Denounces Georgia Republicans Over New Voting Law

Jim Crow Tactics on Full Display in Georgia as Black Legislator Arrested for Knocking on a Capitol Door
George Chidi, The Intercept
Chidi writes: "State Rep. Park Cannon probably didn't expect to be arrested for knocking on a door in the Georgia Capitol. Never mind how innocuous the act: There's a state law about such things."

Behind that door, Gov. Brian Kemp, alongside six white lawmakers, signed what critics say is a new era of voting restrictions.


tate Rep. Park Cannon probably didn’t expect to be arrested for knocking on a door in the Georgia Capitol. Never mind how innocuous the act: There’s a state law about such things. Georgia’s constitution specifically bars the arrest of a legislator “during sessions of the General Assembly, or committee meetings thereof, and in going thereto or returning therefrom, except for treason, felony, or breach of the peace.”

Apparently knocking on a door constitutes a felony. Two, actually: obstruction of a police officer and disrupting a session of the General Assembly. Video from the arrest is going viral.

At least, the Capitol police found a way to charge her with these felonies as five of them hauled her away from the door, behind which Gov. Brian Kemp was busy signing legislation that opponents have likened to the worst abuses of Jim Crow.

“The only thing that’s missing out of this voting bill is a poll tax and the question of how many bubbles in a bar of soap and how many jelly beans in a jar,” said Richard Rose, president of the Atlanta NAACP, waiting in the rain under a tornado watch at the Fulton County Jail for Cannon’s release. Behind us, two dozen activists were chanting “No Park, no peace” at mildly irritated deputies.

“I’ve been here before and done this before,” said Cannon’s attorney Gerald Griggs, an anti-racist activist who tends to be the person extracting other activists out of jail in Atlanta. The charges have no merit, he said. “I fully expect that Park Cannon’s name will be cleared.”

Senate Bill 202, now law, requires the use of a state ID to verify identity for an absentee ballot, which might be the least problematic provision. Absentee ballots will only be able to be dropped off during regular business hours at early voting locations. Coupled with strict legal limits on who can drop off a ballot, it effectively makes the use of the drop boxes impossible for people who work nontraditional hours.

While weekend early voting expanded under the law, the overall period of early voting was contracted. The law also allows the State Election Board to remove local election board officials for violations, replacing them with a state-appointed superintendent. Because larger jurisdictions like Atlanta have more voters, otherwise-competent administrators are more likely to err in violation simply as a matter of volume. The provision is a legal fig leaf for a state takeover of city elections.

In an effervescent finishing splash of absurd cruelty, the law makes giving food and water to people standing in line to vote a felony.

“This is clear voter suppression, clear racism, a clear manifestation of white supremacy,” Rose said. “Georgia is going backwards instead of forwards. To them, the Civil War is still going on and this is how they’re fighting it.”

U.S. Sen. Raphael Warnock got on a plane from Washington, D.C., to help fish her out of jail. Last night around 11 p.m., the two emerged, flanked by progressive activists and other state legislators, to walk her to a car.

“I’ve known Rep. Cannon for years,” Warnock said. “She’s my parishioner. She is understandably a bit shaken by what happened to her. She didn’t deserve this.”

Cannon, 28, is a firebrand progressive representing the trendier parts of Atlanta, an LGBTQ+ icon within the city and widely considered an eventual candidate for higher office. Her star began to rise almost immediately after her election in 2016, when she won a speaking slot at the Democratic National Convention.

I count Cannon as a friend. I’ve been barbecuing with her mother at another state rep’s house. I find her concern about homelessness in the city sincere and her understanding of the root causes deep. Like Warnock, Cannon comes from the city’s progressive protest traditions, where one expects to defy authority in the face of perceived injustice simply to make a point or extract a political cost for intransigence.

Rather than sign the bill in the ceremonial governor’s office, Kemp had taken a nondescript conference room. “There were cops all around this conference room,” said Tamara Stevens, co-founder of No Safe Seats and an Atlanta activist working with Cannon. Stevens recorded Cannon’s arrest.

“Reps. Cannon and Erica Thomas came down, and Park knocked on the door,” Stevens said. “She didn’t bang on the door.” Stevens began taping the moment an officer demanded that Cannon stop knocking, Stevens said.

I’d like to contrast all of this with an infamous photograph of state Rep. Denmark Groover of Macon leaning over the balcony of the Georgia Capitol in an attempt to stop the clock before it struck midnight, which signaled the end the legislative session of 1964. Groover was a Democrat in the vein of Lester Maddox and the architect of Georgia’s runoff system, designed to prevent Black voters from being political kingmakers. He faced no legal consequences for the clock stunt — even though it crashed to the floor — as he tried to prevent a reapportionment that gave Black voters more political power.

Arresting a sitting legislator in the Capitol for anything short of firing a gun in the chamber had been thought beyond the pale, at least until police bundled then-state Sen. Nikema Williams off in handcuffs in 2018. Protesters had been demonstrating in the Capitol over irregularities in the election of Kemp over Stacey Abrams. Williams, tending to protesters, was arrested along with them, her badge plainly visible to police. At the time, she said she believed that she had been targeted by police for her activism. Then, a month ago today, a state trooper grabbed Cannon during a sit-in protest in the halls of the Capitol.

Cannon had been at a protest of Delta Air Lines at Hartsfield-Jackson Airport when word came down that Kemp planned to sign the bill at 6:30 p.m. Cannon and others sprinted back to the Capitol, about a 25-minute drive north in rush-hour traffic.

Warnock described House Bill 531 — a similar bill making its way through the Georgia legislature — as “desperate” and “democracy in reverse” and said that “the people aren’t asking for this.” Activists have been increasing the pressure on Georgia’s business elite to push back on the legislation, with public protests at the World of Coca-Cola and elsewhere. Threats of boycotts loom, though it’s not clear what form that might take.

Warnock issued a challenge.

“We need Georgia businesses to stand up,” he said. “They too are citizens of this state. I can tell you as someone who is the pastor of Ebenezer Baptist Church, where Dr. King served, that come Martin Luther King Jr.’s birthday, the corporate entities will all be falling over themselves to honor Dr. King. If you want to honor Dr. King, stand up to voter suppression right now.”

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A rally in support of Jacob Blake. (photo: Kerem Yucel/AFP/Getty Images)
A rally in support of Jacob Blake. (photo: Kerem Yucel/AFP/Getty Images)


Jacob Blake Files Excessive Force Lawsuit Against Kenosha Police Officer Who Shot Him
Rachel Treisman, NPR
Treisman writes: 

acob Blake, the Black man left paralyzed after being shot in the back by a white police officer last August in Kenosha, Wis., has filed a federal civil rights lawsuit alleging the use of excessive force.

Kenosha Police Officer Rusten Sheskey is the sole defendant named in the lawsuit, which was filed on Thursday in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Wisconsin. It says Blake suffered "catastrophic, permanent injuries'' as a direct result of Sheskey's actions, and seeks unspecified compensation for his injuries as well as punitive damages, attorney's fees and other relief.

Blake's legal team spans three law firms and includes high-profile civil rights attorney Ben Crump, who has worked with many families of Black victims of police violence and most recently helped the family of George Floyd reach a $27 million civil settlement with the city of Minneapolis.

"Nothing can undo this tragedy or take away the suffering endured by Jacob, his children, and the rest of the Blake family," Crump said. "But hopefully today is a significant step in achieving justice for them and holding Officer Sheskey answerable for his nearly deadly actions — actions that have deprived Jacob of his ability to walk."

In January, a Wisconsin prosecutor declined to bring criminal charges against Sheskey, and said no charges would be filed against Blake. Crump said at the time that "our work is not done and hope is not lost."

The Kenosha Police Department confirmed to NPR on Friday that Sheskey is still employed but on administrative leave, and declined to comment further.

The 19-page complaint — which does not list an attorney for Sheskey — recounts the events that unfolded on Aug. 23, culminating in Sheskey firing seven shots at point blank range as Blake walked away from him and towards the driver's side of a parked vehicle where two of his young children were sitting.

Six of those rounds entered Blake's body, with at least one severing his spinal cord and "instantly rendering his fully seated body limp upon impact," according to the complaint.

Blake, a father of three who worked as an armed security guard, had been leaving a gathering for his son's eighth birthday following a verbal dispute between two women when Sheskey and other officers were dispatched to the area for what was initially deemed "family trouble." They approached Blake as he was putting one of his sons in the backseat of a Dodge SUV.

Wisconsin Public Radio reports that the officers were trying to arrest Blake for an outstanding sexual assault warrant, and that the state dropped those charges against him in November.

The complaint details how, without announcing any intention of arresting him, Sheskey grabbed Blake by the wrist and began applying physical force to his arm, causing him to tense up. A number of officers then placed him in a headlock, punched and choked him and shocked him three times with a taser. Blake had dropped a folding utility knife on the ground during the scuffle, and picked it up and started walking towards his vehicle as officers followed him with their guns drawn.

As Blake opened the driver's side door, threw the knife onto the floor and started to sit down, the complaint states, Sheskey pulled him backwards by his t-shirt with one hand and fired his semi-automatic pistol with the other.

Blake's lawyers said repeatedly that he made no physical or verbal threats towards any officer and attempted to disengage by walking away from them. They also noted that at the time Sheskey began firing, several women and a toddler were standing in the vicinity, and Blake's two children were sitting just feet away in the backseat.

"Miraculously, no bystanders were hit by gunfire," B'Ivory LaMarr, one of Blake's attorneys, said in a statement. "Although Jacob's children escaped physical injury and avoided being hit by the stray bullet that fired into the SUV, they were forced to witness their father being gunned down only feet away from where they sat."

The complaint also includes several stills from eyewitness video, showing the positions of Blake and Sheskey at the moment each shot was fired. Blake's lawyers said the images prove that "the hail of gunfire fired into the back of Mr. Blake in the presence of his children was excessive and unnecessary for which there must be accountability in a court of law."

Another of Blake's attorneys, Patrick Salvi II, called his injuries "permanent and life-changing," adding that he now suffers from an "intractable pain syndrome."

"After various surgical procedures and an agonizing course of physical rehabilitation, Jacob remains unable to return to his job as a security guard and relies on others to assist him with the basic needs of daily living," Salvi said.

Blake has made few public appearances since the shooting. In September, he recorded a video from his hospital bed describing the pain of his recovery and his hopes for the future.

"To all the young cats out there and even the older ones, older than me, there's a lot more life to live out here, man. Your life, and not only just your life, your legs — something that you need to move around and move forward in life — can be taken from you like this," Blake said, snapping his fingers.

Video of the shooting circulated widely and prompted days of protests in Kenosha. It was during this period of unrest that Illinois teenager Kyle Rittenhouse was captured on video shooting three protesters, two of them fatally. Rittenhouse, who has garnered support from conservative Second Amendment advocates, said he acted in self-defense and has pleaded not guilty to all of the charges against him. A judge earlier this month delayed his trial until November.

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In addition to concerns about COVID safety, workers at Amazon have expressed frustration about impossibly high productivity expectations and are therefore starting to unionize. (photo: Stephanie Keith/Getty Images)
In addition to concerns about COVID safety, workers at Amazon have expressed frustration about impossibly high productivity expectations and are therefore starting to unionize. (photo: Stephanie Keith/Getty Images)


Amazon's PR Flacks Are Starting to Sweat
Alex N. Press, Jacobin
Press writes: "Amazon's PR operation is getting defensive after increasingly negative press over working conditions."

With Bernie Sanders on his way to Bessemer, Alabama to support warehouse workers voting on a union, and the company facing increasingly negative press over working conditions that include drivers being forced to urinate in bottles, Amazon’s PR operation is getting defensive.

mazon, a company whose warehouse workers have in the past year told me about seizures, injuries, and heat-induced fainting spells in their facilities and which pushed many of its hundreds of thousands of US employees to the breaking point during the pandemic by refusing to communicate with them about coronavirus outbreaks, much less shut down infected facilities for cleanings, can’t stop insisting that it’s a great place to work. It’s not the only company that kills its workers through negligence, but it is one of them, and it has decided to openly mock the idea that its workers suffer.

Now, anyone who writes about Amazon knows, for starters, that the company regularly lies to journalists and the public alike. Given its money and power, that is often an effective strategy, and the company’s PR team, led by none other than Obama’s press secretary, Jay Carney, has reason to be confident in its ability to manipulate the public. Witness, for example, how journalists almost uniformly compare Amazon’s $15 starting wage — which was only adopted after Senator Bernie Sanders turned up his criticism of the company — to the wages at fast-food chains, rather than the pay at other warehouses. Amazon pays below the prevailing wage in its industry and has been shown to lower wages at nearby warehouses, yet writers too often swallow the company’s words hook, line, and sinker, propagating the idea that wages at Amazon’s warehouses are higher, not lower, than they need to be.

But as workers at the company’s Bessemer, Alabama warehouse continue voting on unionization, Amazon’s PR operation is getting uncharacteristically defensive. Responding to news that Sanders will be visiting Bessemer today to support the union drive, Dave Clark, Amazon CEO of Worldwide Consumer, tweeted that he “often” calls Amazon “the Bernie Sanders of employers,” one which “delivers a progressive workplace” with “health care from day one” and “a safe and inclusive work environment.”

While it is undeniably funny to imagine Clark “often” taking up minutes in executive meetings with such a nonsensical comparison — after all, Bernie Sanders is the “Bernie Sanders of employers,” and when his presidential campaign staff unionized, he voluntarily recognized them without forcing them to sit through captive-audience meetings — Clark’s desire to speak about this subject is ludicrous. His nickname is “the Sniper,” a moniker he earned because of his “habit of lurking in the shadows of Amazon warehouses and scoping out slackers he could fire.” He was Amazon’s global logistics chief, a key architect of the company’s delivery operation. He is more responsible than almost anyone else for the remarkably dangerous working conditions endured by Amazon’s employees.

Representative Mark Pocan (D-WI), cochair of the newly formed House Labor Caucus, responded to Clark’s statements by noting that Amazon union-busts and makes workers pee in water bottles and thus is decidedly not a “progressive workplace.” The company replied to Pocan via its official news account, writing, “You don’t really believe the peeing in bottles thing, do you? If that were true, nobody would work for us.”

Putting aside the absurd idea that “nobody” puts up with horrifically exploitative jobs, that Amazon workers resort to peeing in bottles was famously documented by UK journalist James Bloodworth. Bloodworth went undercover as an Amazon worker and found that given the size of Amazon’s warehouses and the company’s down-to-the-second tracking of workers’ “time off task,” workers sometimes forgo trips to the bathroom in favor of using bottles.

It’s not as if the facilities Bloodworth investigated are an anomaly. Workers in Amazon’s Bessemer warehouse have mentioned their fear of wasting time on bathroom trips too. While none of them have said they pee in bottles, it doesn’t take much digging to find other members of Amazon’s workforce talking about doing exactly that.

As Vice’s Lauren Kaori Gurley writes in response to Amazon’s denial of the issue, Amazon delivery drivers peeing in bottles and coffee cups “is one of the most universal concerns voiced by the many Amazon delivery drivers around the country.” The internet is rife with workers describing their inability to access a bathroom while driving for the company, with Reddit threads describing where they pee instead: bottles, garbage bags, hand-sanitizer bottles, hedges. As the Intercept’s Ken Klippenstein quickly confirmed, drivers are not only peeing, but also defecating, in work vehicles. As one area manager wrote to his employees in an email, they were to tell drivers that “they CANNOT poop, or leave bottles of urine inside bags.”

As for the health care touted by both Clark and Amazon’s news account, it’s worth revisiting revelations about AmCare, the company’s network of on-site medical clinics. As Reveal found in an investigation of how the company covered up the alarming injury rates in its warehouses, AmCare distorted the numbers by delaying sending workers to a doctor for up to twenty-one days, leading injuries to get worse.

If a work-related injury requires care beyond first aid, it is logged for the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA). Amazon was so set on keeping injuries off those logs that it contracted with “OSHA sensitive” clinics that instructed their medical providers “to avoid giving any treatment to Amazon workers that would make their injuries recordable.” As one nurse practitioner who worked at such a clinic told Reveal, “she dreaded seeing Amazon patients because she didn’t think she would be able to treat them appropriately.”

Amazon got to where it is by its ruthless pursuit of profit. The company will say anything that it thinks will help clear obstacles to that goal from its path. This latest PR blitz is just the latest example, but there is now one key difference: Amazon’s workers have started getting organized, and that means they and their duly chosen representatives can counter the company’s lies.

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Baltimore State's Attorney Marilyn Mosby during a news conference in Maryland. (photo: Julio Cortez/AP)
Baltimore State's Attorney Marilyn Mosby during a news conference in Maryland. (photo: Julio Cortez/AP)


Baltimore Will No Longer Prosecute Drug Possession, Prostitution, Low-Level Crimes
Jon Schuppe, NBC News
Schuppe writes: "A year ago, as the coronavirus began to spread across Maryland, Baltimore State's Attorney Marilyn Mosby stopped prosecuting drug possession, prostitution, minor traffic violations and other low-level offenses, a move aimed at curbing Covid-19's spread behind bars."

A pandemic experiment in criminal justice reform takes hold in one of America's most violent cities.

That shift — repeated by prosecutors in many other cities — didn’t just reduce jail populations. In Baltimore, nearly all categories of crime have since declined, confirming to Mosby what she and criminal justice experts have argued for years: Crackdowns on quality-of-life crimes are not necessary for stopping more serious crime.

On Friday, Mosby announced that she was making her pandemic experiment permanent, saying Baltimore — for decades notorious for runaway violence and rough policing — had become a case study in criminal justice reform.

In the 12 months since she ordered scaled-back enforcement, violent crime is down 20 percent and property crime has declined 36 percent, she said. Homicides inched down, though Baltimore still has one of the highest homicide rates among cities nationwide. Researchers at Johns Hopkins University found sharp reductions in calls to police complaining about drugs and prostitution, she said.

“Clearly, the data suggest there is no public safety value in prosecuting low-level offenses,” Mosby said at a news conference.

But whether Baltimore is indeed an experiment that can be replicated elsewhere remains to be seen. Enforcement of low-level crimes has dropped in many parts of the country over the past year, as police limited operations to avoid contracting and spreading the virus and as prosecutors and judges sought to contain the virus’s spread in jails. But Baltimore is one of the few big cities where violence did not increase. In dozens of cities, homicides and shootings rose in 2020.

While many prosecutors have maintained their pandemic suspensions on low-level offense prosecutions, few have said those shifts will remain in place in perpetuity. Some newly elected prosecutors, though, have vowed to abandon low-level cases permanently.

At Friday's news conference, Mosby also faced questions about a federal investigation into her campaign finances, as well as the finances of her husband, a city councilman. Her attorney has called the investigation "politically motivated." Mosby dismissed a reporter's questions about the probe, saying she wanted to focus on her new policy.

She said the Baltimore Police Department will be a partner in this shift away from low-level prosecutions, in which officers and prosecutors will focus on violent crime and drug trafficking as courts begin holding criminal trials again.

“Our understanding is that the police are going to follow what they’ve been doing for the past year, which is not arresting people based on the offenses I mentioned,” Mosby said.

At the same time, law enforcement will work with a local nonprofit, Baltimore Crisis Response Inc., to provide services to people suffering from mental illness, homelessness and drug addiction.

The Baltimore Police Department did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Police Commissioner Michael Harrison told The Washington Post that the policy had been difficult for officers to accept when it was implemented last year, and that he expected crime to rise. He told the Post that he now believed the pullback may have worked.

A spokeswoman for the local police officers union did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Kobi Little, head of the Baltimore chapter of the NAACP, said at the news conference that Mosby’s move was a recognition that decades of heavy-handed enforcement in Baltimore had done more harm than good.

“We want to see more elected officials stand up on these issues,” he said.

Kim Foxx, the state's attorney in Cook County, Illinois, said Mosby’s announcement was the culmination of years of discussion among reformers seeking ways to reduce focus on low-level offenses. “Covid provided a real opportunity to test it, to move from theory to practice,” she said.

“What Marilyn has been able to do is demonstrate that those changes didn’t lead to an increase in violent crime, didn’t lead to mayhem in the streets. The theory in practice yielded good results.”

Foxx, like Mosby, halted prosecution of minor crimes in the early days of the pandemic. But she is still exploring whether to make those changes permanent. Cook County — which includes Chicago — has seen an increase in homicides and shootings. That means Foxx will have to do a deeper analysis of what caused the spike before deciding what to do.

Michael Kahn, director of the Institute for Innovation in Prosecution at John Jay College of Criminal Justice, said he believed Mosby was the first prosecutor to permanently shift away from minor offenses. More will likely follow if they see that their policies did not cause crime spikes, he said.

“I would expect now that the dam has broken that in the next few months we will start to see folks follow once they have their arms around the data,” Kahn said.


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A man part group of asylum seekers, mostly from African countries, checks his phone in Tijuana on July 9, 2019, northwestern Mexico. (photo: Guillermo Arias/Getty Images)
A man part group of asylum seekers, mostly from African countries, checks his phone in Tijuana on July 9, 2019, northwestern Mexico. (photo: Guillermo Arias/Getty Images)


Black Immigrants Are Facing Rampant Racism in Mexico While Waiting for US Asylum
Nisha Venkat, BuzzFeed
Venkat writes: "When Laure fled Cameroon in 2019, she never expected to be sleeping on the streets of Tijuana, eating from trash cans and, more than a year later, still fighting near-constant racism while trying to gain asylum in the US."

During those initial weeks, she said she came to understand her cold new reality when she was unable to find employment despite having a nursing certification.

“She asked for my papers, my diploma. I gave it to her. Maybe 30 minutes later, she called me and said, ‘We have no work for a stranger,’” Laure said. “If somebody lives in your country and has documents, how are they a stranger? I told her, ‘You want to say that I am Black, that I have a Black color.’”

President Joe Biden has signed a series of executive orders to start rolling back the Trump administration’s legacy of racist policies designed to stop immigration altogether. But so far, much of his focus has been on easing access for Mexican and Central American immigrants, leaving people like Laure stranded in Mexico. There, people like her typically face police violence, racism from locals, and a language barrier while they wait for their asylum cases to be processed.

Espacio Migrante is an immigration rights nonprofit that splits its time working between Mexico and California. The group estimates there are 3,000 to 5,000 Black immigrants in Tijuana, where in addition to racism and discrimination from locals, they face higher rates of police mistreatment, said Paulina Olvera Cáñez, the director of Espacio Migrante.

“Black migrants get noticed immediately, so they get stopped by the police a lot more,” Cáñez told BuzzFeed News. “And when the police stop them, they may ask for money in exchange for not turning them over to immigration, or they might just mistreat them. They face greater discrimination not just because of the language, but also because of racism in Mexico.”

Laure, who asked BuzzFeed News to only use her middle name out of fear of the circumstances that caused her to flee Cameroon, also said she had to deal with rampant bigotry specifically directed at Black women on account of their race and gender. She says she was repeatedly told by employers and local residents that the only way a Black woman could make money in Mexico was sex work.

“Many times I would pass in the road, and every time the Mexican guys say, ‘Cuánto, cuánto, cuánto.’ I didn’t know what this ‘cuánto’ meant. I think maybe it was a greeting, because I didn’t know Spanish. So I say, ‘Hola, hola!’” Laure said.

It took another African friend to tell her what she thought was an innocent greeting was actually them asking her how much she would sell her body for.

“I was very sad. I thought they liked me, that they were greeting me,” Laure said.

H, a Ghanaian immigrant also waiting in Tijuana, said he fled home in 2018 after he filed a police report about a rape he witnessed and gang members labeled him an informant, putting his life in jeopardy. He asked to be identified by his first initial out of fear for his safety in Tijuana, where he said there’s not much recourse to the everyday racism he faces, even from supposedly neutral parties.

“We have no choice. We have to go through it. It is something we experience every day, and we are used to it,” he said. “Wherever we go, even the UN works with the local government and what the local government does is what the UN will do.”

Meanwhile, border closures and Trump-era immigration restrictions have forced more immigrants to seek other forms of entry that have been problematic for years.

Metering, for example, is an informal system both H and Laure encountered as African immigrants in which names are written down in tattered notebooks held together with duct tape. People are then admitted into the US from other ports of entry in the order their names were listed.

Although metering gained popularity during the Trump administration, it was first used in February 2016 in response to a backlog caused by a surge of Haitian immigrants. But it has long been criticized as discriminatory, racist, and unstructured.

“I never wanted to cross illegally. I wanted to do it the legal way,” H said. “My name was written down, number 3,000 or something, and I waited and waited and waited until the pandemic came. And after that, they kept saying three months, five months, and now it’s been almost a year since the pandemic started.”

The Biden administration faces one of its toughest challenges yet in unraveling the Trump administration’s immigration policies, including a recent influx of unaccompanied immigrant children at the southern border that has brought bipartisan criticism for not more forcefully dissuading people from attempting the journey.

And yet, change cannot seem to come fast enough for immigrants like H. After a year of waiting at the border, he’s ended up in a situation that he describes as not much better than where he started. When gunshots ring out in his neighborhood most nights, he shelters in place with his six housemates to avoid becoming collateral damage.

“I know nobody is after me here. There [in Ghana], somebody's after me. Here, I know if I avoid getting involved with bad people and stay indoors all the time, I can be safe,” H said. “But for asylum, I have lost all hope. There is no money to go anywhere. There’s no job. But this is the only way. This is what we call home, for now.”

Laure said her journey from Cameroon to Mexico spanned months and involved just one cross-continental plane ride, with the rest of the distance covered by bus or on foot. In between stops, she did odd jobs to save enough money to continue traveling.

“I never thought I’d ever feel that unsafe. I would never advise this trip to anybody. I left everything. I had no money. I am a poor woman. I am divorced,” said Laure, who left three children behind to escape Cameroon.

Laure’s journey involved traversing the Darien Gap, a perilous strip of wilderness between Panama and Colombia. Thousands of miles later, she reached the Mexican border city of Tapachula, where she said immigration officers discriminated against her on the basis of her race.

“When you arrive at immigration, they treat you like a pig. They prefer to have Central Americans. Nobody gives you any attention,” Laure said. “In immigration, the Central Americans have a line, the Africans have another line.”

She remained in the Tapachula facility — which she described as “prison” — for eight months before making it to Tijuana, where she is today.

Now, Laure and H are stuck in a life-threatening limbo while much of the media coverage and policy around immigration during Biden’s administration has focused on people who aren’t Black. The end of the Migrant Protection Protocols (MPP) and the Asylum Cooperative Agreements (ACAs) announced in January, for example, explicitly affect Mexican and Central American immigrants, leaving thousands of people like Laure and H in the shadows.

“It is a step in the right direction. But it’s not a policy that is a solution for all the migrants that have been waiting in a corner for so long,” said Cáñez of Espacio Migrante. “So we don’t just want an end to MPP, but to the practice of making asylum seekers wait in Mexico in general, because that is not safe.”

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Adult desert locusts. (photo: David Chancellor/National Geographic)
Adult desert locusts. (photo: David Chancellor/National Geographic)


A Locust Plague Hit East Africa. The Pesticide Solution May Have Dire Consequences.
Tristan McConnell, National Geographic
McConnell writes: "A swarm of locusts is awe inspiring and terrible. It begins as a dark smudge on the horizon, then a gathering darkness. A rustle becomes a clatter that crescendos as tens of millions of voracious, finger-sized, bright yellow insects descend on the land."

Heavy use of a broad-spectrum pesticide seems to have slowed the desert locust invasion. What the repercussions of that approach are isn’t yet clear.

 swarm of locusts is awe inspiring and terrible. It begins as a dark smudge on the horizon, then a gathering darkness. A rustle becomes a clatter that crescendos as tens of millions of voracious, finger-sized, bright yellow insects descend on the land. Since late 2019, vast clouds of locusts have shrouded the Horn of Africa, devouring crops and pastureland—and triggering an operation of staggering proportions to track and kill them.

So far, a ground and air spraying campaign over eight East African countries, coordinated by the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), has staved off the worst—the very real prospect that the locusts would destroy the food supply for millions of people. Last year, the operation protected enough pastureland and food stocks, by the FAO’s calculations, to feed 28 million people in the Greater Horn of Africa and Yemen for an entire year.

But progress comes with yet-unknown consequences to the landscape, and responders have sought to find the elusive balance between eradicating the invading pests without destroying foliage and harming insects, wildlife, and humans. Northern Kenya is renowned worldwide for its bee diversity, and farmers and conservationists worry that bees are becoming casualties.

So far, 506,000 gallons (2.3 million liters) of chemical pesticides have been sprayed over 4.7 million acres (1.9 million hectares) at a cost the FAO says is $195 million. The spraying is expected to continue this year.

Assessments of possible environmental damage are incomplete at best, though the effects of pesticides have been well documented for decades in other settings. Broad spectrum pesticides are not only very effective at killing locusts, they also kill bees and other insects. They leach into water systems and can damage human health.

“Of course, there is collateral damage,” says Dino Martins, an entomologist and executive director of the Mpala Research Center in Kenya. “All these chemicals are designed to kill insects and they do so in very large numbers.”

Caught off guard

Kenya had not suffered a major locust invasion in 70 years. When the first swarms arrived in 2019, the country was woefully unprepared for what had been, quite reasonably, regarded as a remote threat.

“They had no equipment, no expertise, no pesticides, no aircraft, no knowledge,” says Keith Cressman, the FAO’s senior locust forecaster.

The swarms began forming in 2018 after cyclones dumped heavy rain on the inhospitable deserts of Arabia, allowing locusts to breed unseen in the wet sands. Strong winds in 2019 blew the growing swarms into Yemen’s inaccessible conflict zones, then across the Red Sea into Somalia, Ethiopia, and Kenya.

In the early stages of the locust control effort Kenya threw everything it had at the problem. “It was a panic reaction,” says James Everts, a Dutch ecotoxicologist specializing in the environmental effects of pesticide use.

The spraying continued even as the COVID-19 pandemic spread and shuttered much of the world. Donning face masks against the coronavirus, hundreds of local volunteers, as well as members of Kenya’s National Youth Service, shouldered knapsack sprayers and, with minimal training, unloaded on the locusts with whatever pesticides happened to be in stock. They sprayed tens of thousands of liters of deltamethrin, as well as hundreds of liters of fipronil, chlorpyrifos, and other insecticides, many of which are banned in Europe and parts of the United States.

In one documented case in the northern region of Samburu, a ground control team sprayed 34 times the recommended dose of pesticide on a patch of ground, killing bees and beetles while spilling pesticide on themselves and crops.

“In the beginning it was an emergency,” says Thecla Mutia, who leads an FAO team monitoring the environmental effects of locust-control efforts in Kenya. “The whole idea was to manage this as fast as possible to ensure food security.”

Pesticides banned in Europe and the U.S.

Designed to kill, pesticides are toxic by definition, but they are also blunt weapons. Three of the four chemicals recommended by the FAO and authorized by regional governments—chlorpyrifos, fenitrothion, and malathion—are broad-spectrum organophosphates, widely used pesticides sometimes referred to as “junior-strength nerve agents” because of their kinship to Sarin gas. The other, deltamethrin, is a synthetic pyrethroid, which is especially toxic to bees and fish, though much less so to mammals.

The FAO’s Pesticides Referee Group, which vets pesticides for use in locust control, lists all four chemicals as high risk to bees, low or medium risk to birds, and medium or high risk to locusts’ natural enemies and soil insects, such as ants and termites.

The European Union banned chlorpyrifos early last year, and in the U.S. state bans have been enforced in New York, California, and Hawaii. Fenitrothion, too, is banned in Europe, but permitted in the U.S. and in Australia, where the government deploys it as a central weapon in the fight against locusts.

“We are not hiding what conventional pesticides are,” says Cyril Ferrand, FAO resilience team leader in Nairobi, who points out that doing nothing was not an option in the face of the rapidly expanding swarms. “We want to lower the population of desert locusts in a way that is responsible.”

Non-toxic alternatives

Non-toxic biological alternatives that kill locusts, but do no other harm, have been available for decades. Yet chemical pesticides remain the weapon of choice, accounting for 90 percent of the spraying in the current East Africa campaign.

Biopesticide development began in the late 1980s after the end of a years-long locust plague that stretched from North Africa to India.

“When we saw the figures of the millions of liters of pesticide being sprayed, even the donor community was horrified,” recalls Christiaan Kooyman, a Dutch scientist who developed the biopesticide using a fungus, Metarhizium acridum, that attacks locusts. “And they asked the scientists, ‘Is there nothing else we can do?’”

Metarhizium, which has been on the market since 1998, is recommended by the FAO as the “most appropriate control option” for locusts, yet is rarely used. It is slow acting with a low “knockdown” rate—meaning it kills over days rather than hours. It is expensive and tricky to apply. And it is most effective against immature “hoppers,” rather than the adult swarms that are the greater threat.

Its best feature—that it kills only locusts—also makes it a less profitable product. Companies have little incentive to manufacture metarhizium and go through the costly bureaucratic process of registering it in a country until it is needed—and by then it is too late.

“Locusts aren’t around very much, and manufacturers are not keen on producing something that doesn’t get used,” says Graham Matthews, a British scientist and the founding chair of the Pesticides Referee Group. When the swarms arrive, “you don’t want to wait for production, you want it off-the-shelf,” he adds.

Instead, governments reach for the broad-spectrum toxic chemicals mass-produced by large agrochemical companies.

Extent of harm is unknown

What makes widespread spraying of chemical pesticides especially worrisome to farmers, herders, scientists, and conservationists in Kenya is that so little is known about what, if any, harm the pesticides have done. A U.S. government environmental assessment of the regional locust operation warned of the “potential for significant adverse impacts on environment and human health,” and a review by the World Bank found the environmental risk to be “substantial.”

Yet more than a year into the control campaign, the FAO’s assessment of the environmental impact of the spraying has not been made public.

“The excessive use of pesticides is of course detrimental to biodiversity, but it has not really been quantified as to what the level of impact is,” says Sunday Ekesi, an entomologist and director of research and partnerships at the International Center of Insect Physiology and Ecology (ICIPE) in Nairobi, part of a government task force set up to tackle the desert locust invasion.

“Our key concern is the impact it has on the pollinators,” says Anne Maina, of the Biodiversity and Biosafety Association of Kenya. The farmers she works with attribute reduced honey and mango harvests to the disappearance of bees. Martins shares these concerns, but says the lack of monitoring information means it is impossible to know what’s really going on.

“Northern Kenya and the greater Horn of Africa is one of the world’s hotspots of bee diversity, with thousands of species, most of which we know absolutely nothing about,” he says. “We need to develop tools that allow us to both control locusts and protect the fragile biodiversity of the region’s drylands.”

The FAO’s 2003 guidelines on safety and environmental precautions acknowledge that aerial spraying may have less impact on human health than ground spraying, but often creates “more environmental concerns” because it risks contaminating ecologically sensitive areas. Aerial spraying increases the potential for “uncontrolled drift,” whereby chemicals—much like the locusts themselves—are blown off course by the wind.

Mutia, the FAO’s team leader for environmental monitoring, insists that ground-spraying teams have become better trained and local communities are better informed about the spraying and the risks to themselves and their livestock. Kenya’s overall locust operation today has improved since the early weeks of the invasion.

“Done right, the environmental impact is very low,” says Cressman.

A key report still under wraps

Still, Mutia’s environment and health monitoring report, finished last September, has yet to be made public. And there is confusion over why. The FAO says the report is for Kenya’s agriculture ministry to release, but a ministry spokeswoman says the FAO has yet to deliver it.

In an interview, Mutia says she found “no cause for alarm,” in her review of the spraying.

However, a copy of the report obtained by National Geographic paints a more detailed and problematic picture, with evidence of heavy overdosing at the Samburu site and widespread lack of communication with residents in sprayed areas.

In four of the 13 sites inspected, there was no sign of locust deaths at all, suggesting either that the spraying had been ineffective or that the monitoring teams weren’t in the right locations. The report says they were repeatedly given inadequate location information and lacked the helicopters and other vehicles required to quickly reach more remote sites.

“Our main concern has been the focus on control of the locusts without a parallel monitoring system of the undesired effects,” says Raphael Wahome, an animal scientist at the University of Nairobi. He says the FAO’s information should be made available to researchers and others: “Your guess is as good as mine as to what is happening wherever [the pesticides] have been used.”

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