Showing posts with label HABITAT. Show all posts
Showing posts with label HABITAT. Show all posts

Wednesday, December 23, 2020

RSN: Juan Cole | Trump Aping Mideast Tinpot Dictators and Raving About Declaring Martial Law

 


 

Reader Supported News
23 December 20


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Juan Cole | Trump Aping Mideast Tinpot Dictators and Raving About Declaring Martial Law
Michael Flynn, President Donald Trump's former national security adviser, leaves the federal court in Washington, D.C., on Sept. 10, 2019. (photo: Manuel Balce Ceneta/AP)
Juan Cole, Informed Comment
Cole writes: "With Trump raving in White House meetings, prompted by the equally certifiable Michael Flynn, about declaring martial law, it sets an old Middle East hand like me thinking."

In my part of the world, leaders declare martial law or a “state of emergency” at the drop of a helmet. And once they declare it, it often sticks around forever.

Syria has been under a “state of emergency” or martial law off and on since its first modern military coup d’etat in 1949. The country became independent of France in 1946 and had an elected government with president and parliament by 1948. But in March of 1949 the CIA backed a coup by Gen. Husni Zaim. Then from late 1948 until late 1951, civilian government returned, with a new constitution and parliament. Col. Adib Shishakli made another coup. He was overthrown by another general in February 1954. But then that general went back to the constitution and allowed a parliament to be elected. By 1957 martial law was lifted briefly.

I can’t go through all the coups and declarations of martial law in modern Syria. Suffice it to say that there were more, including in 1963. But that one stuck. The 1963 declaration of martial law just stayed in force, even after the 1970 coup that brought Hafez al-Assad to power in 1971. His son Bashar al-Assad succeeded him, and lifted martial law in 2011 in hopes of tamping down the Arab Spring. But then the civil war broke out that summer. I don’t know if al-Assad bothered to re-invoke martial law or a state of emergency, but it is the de facto state of affairs, after coming up on 10 years of civil war that killed hundreds of thousands and displaced half the country.

Trump wants desperately to be like a Syrian dictator.

I guess it is a good thing for us that the CIA apparently doesn’t much like Trump.

The Turkish military used to make a coup roughly every ten years. They would declare martial law until their membership in NATO made them go back to the barracks and bring back the civilian politicians. But after martial law in 1978-1983, the military government announced a state of emergency that lasted until 2002. In the late 1990s, the military made a “soft coup.” After the 2016 failed coup, President Tayyip Erdogan has been acting as though there were martial law in the country, essentially discounting constitutional rights.

In September, 1978, Mohammad Reza Pahlevi, the shah or king of Iran, had troops massacre protesting crowds on “Black Friday.” Effectively, martial law was declared, and by November, the shah brought in a military government. He was nevertheless overthrown.

The constitution of the subsequent Islamic Republic of Iran does not permit the executive to declare martial law– any such move needs parliamentary approval.

Iran’s is a deeply authoritarian government, but even it has the old revolutionary’s distrust of martial law as an instrument.

You have to wonder if the US needs a provision like that.

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Trump supporters at a 'Stop the Steal' rally outside of the Georgia state capitol on 21 November. (photo: Nathan Posner/Rex/Shutterstock)
Trump supporters at a 'Stop the Steal' rally outside of the Georgia state capitol on 21 November. (photo: Nathan Posner/Rex/Shutterstock)


Trump Threatens to Not Sign COVID-19 Bill, Wants Bigger (2K) Stimulus Checks
Reuters
Excerpt: "President Donald Trump threatened on Tuesday to not sign an $892 billion coronavirus relief bill that includes desperately needed money for individual Americans, saying it should be amended to increase the amount in the stimulus checks."

U.S. government operations are being funded on a temporary basis through Dec. 28, waiting for the $1.4 trillion in federal spending for fiscal 2021 that is also part of the bill.

Failure to either pass another stopgap bill or override a possible Trump veto of the legislation could result in a partial government shutdown. The threat by the outgoing Republican president, who has less than a month left in office, throws into turmoil a bipartisan effort in Congress to provide help for people whose lives have been upended by the pandemic.

“The bill they are now planning to send back to my desk is much different than anticipated,” Trump said in a video posted on Twitter. “It really is a disgrace.”

The U.S. House of Representatives and the Senate both passed the legislation overwhelmingly on Monday night.

Trump said he wants Congress to increase the amount in the stimulus checks to $2,000 for individuals or $4,000 for couples, instead of the “ridiculously low” $600 for individuals that is in the bill.

Trump also complained about money provided for foreign countries, the Smithsonian Institution and fish breeding, among other spending that is in the part of the legislation to fund the U.S. government.

“I’m also asking Congress to immediately get rid of the wasteful and unnecessary items from this legislation, and to send me a suitable bill, or else the next administration will have to deliver a COVID relief package. And maybe that administration will be me,” said Trump, who has continued to push baseless claims that he won re-election in November.

Trump, who will leave office on Jan. 20 when President-elect Joe Biden is sworn in, did not use the word “veto” in his statement.

The 92-6 vote in the Senate and the 359-53 vote in the House both are well over the two-thirds majority needed to override a presidential veto, though some Republicans might balk at overriding a veto if Trump used that power.

A bill can be amended if congressional leadership wants to do so. If they don’t, Trump’s choices are to sign the bill into law, veto it, or do nothing and let it become law.

If the bill is amended, doing so by Dec. 28 could be very difficult. It took months for the parties to agree to the thousands of elements in not only the coronavirus aid part, but the $1.4 trillion agreement to fund much of the U.S. government.

Even if leadership wants to amend the bill, it still would have to be voted upon by the full House and Senate. Also, many Republicans might balk at the $2,000 direct payments because that would boost the cost of the bill to well over $1 trillion.

Two years ago, a record-long, 35-day government shutdown was sparked when Congress sent Trump a government spending bill it thought he would support, only to see him reject it over what he said was insufficient funding for building his vaunted U.S.-Mexico border wall.

Trump also said a two-year tax break for corporate meal expenses was “not enough” to help struggling restaurants.

The White House did not signal any objections to the legislation before it passed and gave every expectation that Trump would sign it. Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin was involved in the negotiations over the bill.

White House officials did not immediately respond to a request for comment on Trump’s intentions.

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi said in a tweet that Republicans would not say during negotiations what amount Trump wanted the stimulus checks to be. She said Democrats are ready to bring his proposal for $2,000 checks to the House floor for a vote this week. She did not address Trump’s other concerns.

Trump’s complaints came just as the 5,500-page bill was being processed for sending to the White House for signing by the president, who is scheduled to leave on Wednesday afternoon to spend the rest of the year at his Mar-a-Lago Club in Palm Beach, Florida.

Trump’s video was taped in private at the White House, without reporters present, continuing a recent boycott of appearing at public events where he might be exposed to questions about his failed attempt to challenge the results of the Nov. 3 election.

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Demonstrators gather outside of Irwin county detention center in September. (photo: John Arthur Brown/Zuma Wire/Rex/Shutterstock)
Demonstrators gather outside of Irwin county detention center in September. (photo: John Arthur Brown/Zuma Wire/Rex/Shutterstock)


More Immigrant Women Say They Were Abused by ICE Gynecologist
Victoria Bekiempis, Guardian UK
Bekiempis writes: "More women have joined an official legal petition alleging that they were medically abused by a gynecologist while in Immigration and Customs Enforcement custody in a move that significantly expands a case that has shocked America."

More than 40 women submitted testimony claiming abuse, alleging they underwent invasive and unnecessary procedures

The legal petition outlining these alleged abuses were filed in the Middle District of Georgia federal court late Monday night. More than 40 women have submitted written testimony attesting to claims of abuse, one attorney on their case said.

These women, who have been detained by Ice at Irwin county detention center in Georgia, have alleged that they underwent invasive and unnecessary medical procedures. The women’s attorneys have also alleged that these women endured retribution for speaking out, including deportation in some cases. The petition largely echoed past legal filings and accounts by accusers.

“Petitioners were victims of non-consensual, medically unindicated and/or invasive gynecological procedures, including unnecessary surgical procedures under general anesthesia, performed by and/or at the direction of [gynaecologist Dr Mahendra Amin],” the petition said. “In many instances, the medically unindicated gynecological procedures Respondent Amin performed on Petitioners amounted to sexual assault.”

Officials were aware of this alleged misconduct since 2018, the petition further alleged, “but have nonetheless continued a policy or custom of sending women to be mistreated and abused by Respondent Amin … The experiences Petitioners had at the hands of Respondent Amin form part of a disturbing pattern of inhumane medical abuse and mistreatment at ICDC.”

“This is an effort to protect women who have suffered horrendous medical atrocities while detained in US custody, and every effort has been made by both Ice and the contractors at this facility to cover up these medical abuses,” said Elora Mukherjee, director of Columbia Law School’s Immigrants’ Rights Clinic, a leading attorney on the case.

She added: “For more than two years, both the government, and the private contractors who run this facility, have turned a blind eye to the enormous suffering and intentional harm–and intentional medical abuse – that has taken place here.”

“It’s unlike anything I ever expected to see in America,” Mukherjee said.

The women’s allegations emerged after a shocking whistleblower report. This report, which was submitted on behalf of a former nurse at the facility, Dawn Wooten, alleged that an alarmingly high number of hysterectomies were performed on Spanish-speaking women. Wooten and other nurses feared that these women did not understand the procedures they underwent.

Wooten alleged that the doctor performing these procedures, who was subsequently named as gynecologist Dr Mahendra Amin, had become notorious for performing these operations – so much so that she called him the “uterus collector” in her whistleblower account.

“Everybody he sees has a hysterectomy – just about everybody,” Wooten stated in her complaint. “I’ve had several inmates tell me that they’ve been to see the doctor, and they’ve had hysterectomies, and they don’t know why they went or why they’re going.”

Wooten also said that the medical center where these procedures were performed had unsanitary conditions, as well as poor safety measures against Covid-19.

Amin has denied the allegations and told the Intercept that he had only conducted “one or two hysterectomies in the past two [or] three years”. He did not specify whether these procedures were performed on women in Irwin.

The physician’s lawyer, Scott Grubman, said in a previous statement: “We look forward to all of the facts coming out, and are confident that once they do, Dr Amin will be cleared of any wrongdoing.” Ice contended that its records indicate just two referrals for hysterectomies at Irwin.

The accusations have spurred comparisons with the US’s disturbing history of eugenics. From 1907 to 1937, two-thirds of US states passed laws that permitted involuntary sterilization – resulting in the sterilization of more than 60,000 people.

An increase in federal funding for reproductive health procedures in the 1960s and 1970s, in conjunction with racism and anti-immigrant sentiment, resulted in “tens of thousands” of women of color undergoing sterilizations.

Though forced sterilization was made illegal, it has continued. From 1997 to 2013, approximately 1,400 inmates were sterilized in California prisons.

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A burnt car at the site where Blackwater guards opened fire on a crowd in Baghdad, Iraq, in 2007. Donald Trump has pardoned the four contractors jailed over the killing of 14 civilians. (photo: Ali Yussef/AFP/Getty Images)
A burnt car at the site where Blackwater guards opened fire on a crowd in Baghdad, Iraq, in 2007. Donald Trump has pardoned the four contractors jailed over the killing of 14 civilians. (photo: Ali Yussef/AFP/Getty Images)

ALSO SEE: Trump Pardons 15, Including People Convicted
in Mueller Probe

Trump Pardons Blackwater Contractors Jailed for Massacre of Iraq Civilians
Michael Safi, Guardian UK
Safi writes: "Donald Trump has pardoned four security guards from the private military firm Blackwater who were serving jail sentences for killing 14 civilians including two children in Baghdad in 2007, a massacre that sparked an international outcry over the use of mercenaries in war."


Four guards fired on unarmed crowd in Baghdad in 2007, killing 14 and sparking outrage over use of private security in war zones

The four guards – Paul Slough, Evan Liberty, Dustin Heard and Nicholas Slatten – were part of an armoured convoy that opened fire indiscriminately with machine-guns, grenade launchers and a sniper on a crowd of unarmed people in a square in the Iraqi capital.

The Nisour Square massacre was one of the lowest episodes of the US-led invasion and occupation of Iraq.

Slough, Liberty and Heard were convicted on multiple charges of voluntary and attempted manslaughter in 2014, while Slatten, who was the first to start shooting, was convicted of first-degree murder. Slattern was sentenced to life and the others to 30 years in prison each.

An initial prosecution was thrown out by a federal judge – sparking outrage in Iraq – but the then vice-president, Joe Biden, promised to pursue a fresh prosecution, which succeeded in 2015.

At the sentencing, the US attorney’s office said in a statement: “The sheer amount of unnecessary human loss and suffering attributable to the defendants’ criminal conduct on 16 September 2007 is staggering.”

After news of the pardon emerged on Tuesday night, Brian Heberlig, a lawyer for one of the four pardoned Blackwater defendants, said: “Paul Slough and his colleagues didn’t deserve to spend one minute in prison. I am overwhelmed with emotion at this fantastic news.”

The pardons are one of several the US president has granted to American service personnel and contractors accused or convicted of crimes against non-combatants and civilians in war zones. In November last year, he pardoned a former US army commando who was set to stand trial over the killing of a suspected Afghan bomb-maker, and a former army lieutenant convicted of murder for ordering his men to fire at three Afghans.

Supporters of the former contractors at Blackwater Worldwide had lobbied for the pardons, arguing that the men had been excessively punished.

Prosecutors asserted the heavily armed Raven 23 Blackwater convoy launched an unprovoked attack using sniper fire, machine-guns and grenade launchers. Defence lawyers argued their clients returned fire after being ambushed by Iraqi insurgents.

The US government said in a memorandum filed after the sentencing: “None of the victims was an insurgent, or posed any threat to the Raven 23 convoy.” The memorandum also contained quotations from relatives of the dead, including Mohammad Kinani, whose nine-year-old son Ali was killed. “That day changed my life forever. That day destroyed me completely,” Kinani said.

Also quoted in the memorandum was David Boslego, a retired US army colonel, who said the massacre was “a grossly excessive use of force” and “grossly inappropriate for an entity whose only job was to provide personal protection to somebody in an armoured vehicle”.

Boslego also said the attack had “a negative effect on our mission, [an] adverse effect … It made our relationship with the Iraqis in general more strained.”

FBI investigators who visited the scene in the following days described it as the “My Lai massacre of Iraq” – a reference to the infamous slaughter of civilian villagers by US troops during the Vietnam war in which only one soldier was convicted.

After the convictions, Blackwater – which changed to Academi after being sold and renamed in 2011 – said it was “relieved that the justice system has completed its investigation into a tragedy that occurred at Nisour Square in 2007 and that any wrongdoing that was carried out has been addressed by our courts.

“The security industry has evolved drastically since those events, and under the direction of new ownership and leadership, Academi has invested heavily in compliance and ethics programmes, training for our employees, and preventative measures to strictly comply with all US and local government laws.”

The 14 victims killed by the Blackwater guards on trial were listed as Ahmed Haithem Ahmed Al Rubia’y, Mahassin Mohssen Kadhum Al-Khazali, Osama Fadhil Abbas, Ali Mohammed Hafedh Abdul Razzaq, Mohamed Abbas Mahmoud, Qasim Mohamed Abbas Mahmoud, Sa’adi Ali Abbas Alkarkh, Mushtaq Karim Abd Al-Razzaq, Ghaniyah Hassan Ali, Ibrahim Abid Ayash, Hamoud Sa’eed Abttan, Uday Ismail Ibrahiem, Mahdi Sahib Nasir and Ali Khalil Abdul Hussein.

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Warnock supporters in Georgia. (photo: Megan Varner/Getty Images)
Warnock supporters in Georgia. (photo: Megan Varner/Getty Images)


Left Grassroots Groups Helped Biden Win Georgia. Now They're Organizing to Flip the Senate.
Nuala Bishari, In These Times
Bishari writes: "With hopes for a progressive agenda on the line, working class-led organizations are going all out to defeat the GOP in Georgia."

n the Novem­ber gen­er­al elec­tion, Geor­gia made head­lines as the state that went from red to blue, earn­ing a statewide win for Joe Biden by just under 12,000 votes. But as Biden pre­pares for his tran­si­tion to the White House, all eyes are once again on Geor­gia. On Jan. 5, two run-off races in the state will deter­mine whether Democ­rats or Repub­li­can will hold major­i­ty in the U.S. Sen­ate. Democ­rats Jon Ossoff and Rev­erend Raphael Warnock are chal­leng­ing incum­bent Repub­li­can Sens. David Per­due and Kel­ly Loef­fler, and the race looks tight.

After an exhaust­ing out­reach effort ahead of the Nov. 3 elec­tion, grass­roots orga­niz­ers and nation­al polit­i­cal orga­ni­za­tions have teamed up to once again get peo­ple out to the polls. But the strate­gies being employed this time around are dif­fer­ent: No longer is the empha­sis on flip­ping swing vot­ers, but rather on hold­ing deep, per­son­al con­ver­sa­tions in com­mu­ni­ties of col­or, both on their doorsteps and over the phone.

After the gen­er­al elec­tion, Jade Brooks and her col­leagues at SONG Pow­er, a new 501©4 group born out of the LGBTQ social jus­tice orga­ni­za­tion South­ern­ers on New Ground, were drained. With their friends at Geor­gia Lati­no Alliance for Human Rights (GLAHR) and nation­al Lati­no rights group Mijente, they’d knocked on more than 150,000 doors across Geor­gia over the sum­mer and fall to get out the vote for Biden.

But after Biden squeaked out a vic­to­ry in Geor­gia, while Democ­rats nation­wide failed to pro­duce a “blue wave,” it soon became clear the pos­si­bil­i­ty of flip­ping the Sen­ate would fall to Georgians.

“We’re tired, we’re scrap­py, this is kind of our first rodeo this year,” Brooks, a region­al orga­niz­ing lead with SONG Pow­er, told In These Times. “But we knew there were going to be so many nation­al groups com­ing into Geor­gia, so much mon­ey falling from the sky, what could we real­ly do? We brought it to our mem­bers in Geor­gia, and through a series of con­ver­sa­tions and calls, our mem­bers felt very strong­ly that we couldn’t sit the fight out.”

There’s a lot at stake. Biden’s abil­i­ty to imple­ment his agen­da — from push­ing through nom­i­na­tions, includ­ing poten­tial­ly to the Supreme Court, to pass­ing poli­cies such as fur­ther Covid relief and more expan­sive health­care — will depend heav­i­ly on whether he has a Demo­c­ra­t­ic Sen­ate to work with. If either Ossoff or Warnock lose to their Repub­li­can oppo­nents, Mitch McConnell will retain con­trol over the Sen­ate, and he has already indi­cat­ed his inten­tion to block Biden and the Democ­rats at every turn.

Ear­ly vot­ing has already begun in Geor­gia, and polls show the races run­ning neck-and-neck. A Dec. 22 FiveThir­tyEight poll shows Ossoff hold­ing a 0.4% lead over Per­due and Warnock hold­ing a 0.9% lead over Loeffler.

With the future of the Sen­ate in Georgia’s hands, there has been no short­age of efforts to turn out Demo­c­ra­t­ic vot­ers — both local­ly and nation­al­ly. GLAHR and Mijente set the ambi­tious goal of knock­ing on approx­i­mate­ly 290,000 Lati­nos’ doors across the state ahead of the runoffs. The nation­al youth-led cli­mate mobi­liza­tion group Sun­rise Move­ment holds phonebanks five days a week to gal­va­nize young Geor­gia voters.

Par­tic­u­lar empha­sis is being placed on turn­ing out Black vot­ers. The grass­roots group Black Vot­ers Mat­ter is dri­ving a bus around the state, meet­ing vot­ers face-to-face, hand­ing out free meals and host­ing concerts.

“With this lat­est bus tour, we’re send­ing a strong mes­sage across the state of Geor­gia: Black vot­ers made his­to­ry on Elec­tion Day, and we can do it again,” said Black Vot­ers Mat­ter cofounder Cliff Albright in a state­ment. “From the streets of Atlanta to rur­al com­mu­ni­ties like Ware Coun­ty, Black vot­ers in Geor­gia turned out in record num­bers and exer­cised their vot­ing pow­er. Now, we have anoth­er oppor­tu­ni­ty to make our voic­es heard, hold our lead­ers in the Sen­ate account­able, and remind them that we’ve got the power.”

The New Geor­gia Project, found­ed by for­mer Geor­gia con­gressper­son and guber­na­to­r­i­al can­di­date Stacey Abrams, has thou­sands of vol­un­teers hit­ting the pave­ment to help peo­ple of col­or vote, with plans to reach one mil­lion house­holds before the polls close.

Nse Ufot, CEO of the New Geor­gia Project, believes the Black vote is key to flip­ping the Sen­ate. “The oppor­tu­ni­ty to impact the bal­ance of pow­er in the Sen­ate is absolute­ly dri­ving Geor­gians to come back out and vote,” she said on the pod­cast Runoff the Jew­els ear­li­er this month. “When we talk about this mul­tira­cial, mul­ti­eth­nic, mul­ti­lin­gual, multi­gen­er­a­tional pro­gres­sive major­i­ty that exists in the deep South, I want peo­ple to know that it’s real.”

SONG Pow­er, mean­while, has teamed up with People’s Action, a nation­al grass­roots orga­ni­za­tion that cen­ters the demands of work­ing-class peo­ple of col­or. Togeth­er, they cre­at­ed a robust plan to place thou­sands of “deep can­vass­ing” calls to rur­al Geor­gians ahead of the elec­tion, with the goal of lis­ten­ing to their expe­ri­ences — and inspir­ing them to hit the polls in sup­port of Ossoff and Warnock.

“There’s so many nation­al groups that are com­ing in with calls and texts, and frankly, they have more bells and whis­tles than us,” Brooks said. “So we leaned into part­ner­ships. The phone can­vass­ing we’re doing with People’s Action is real­ly cool because it enables us to have vol­un­teers from all over the coun­try do some­thing meaningful. “

Dan­ny Tim­pona, People’s Action’s deputy direc­tor of dis­trib­uted orga­niz­ing, was relieved when the group con­nect­ed with SONG Pow­er. People’s Action ral­lies peo­ple across the coun­try to cam­paign and phonebank for races through close col­lab­o­ra­tions with on-the-ground groups in each state. But despite hav­ing mem­ber orga­ni­za­tions in more than 30 states across the coun­try, Geor­gia wasn’t one of them.

“That in itself was like ‘oh my gosh, how are we going to do this?’” Tim­pona recalled. People’s Action began reach­ing out to pro­gres­sive orga­ni­za­tions led by peo­ple of col­or, for what Tim­pona said was an intense two-week vet­ting process.

They were cau­tious about not want­i­ng to para­chute in. “It was an explorato­ry phase first of all, to see ‘are we need­ed?’ If we are need­ed, what pro­vides the best list for folks who are orga­niz­ing on the ground?” Tim­pona said.

In the end, SONG Pow­er was one of sev­er­al orga­ni­za­tions People’s Action teamed up with to devel­op a can­vass­ing plan.

For SONG Pow­er, the help was appre­ci­at­ed, and not only to get them through this next elec­tion. The part­ner­ship is grow­ing their con­tact list, enhanc­ing oppor­tu­ni­ties to mobi­lize Geor­gians for future down-bal­lot races.

“We want to be able to call peo­ple after Jan­u­ary,” Brooks said. “After some of this nation­al atten­tion moves away from Geor­gia, we want to make sure they get a call from a local­ly-root­ed group invit­ing them into the move­ment long term.”

The col­lab­o­ra­tion goes beyond just the shar­ing of con­tacts and tech­nol­o­gy. Due to the nature of deep can­vass­ing — where phone calls can require in-depth knowl­edge of regions, pol­i­tics and local issues — People’s Action’s vol­un­teers need­ed prop­er train­ing. Togeth­er with SONG Pow­er, they devel­oped an hour-long train­ing video that teach­es callers how to lis­ten, and not just regur­gi­tate facts. Those well-trained vol­un­teers make calls with People’s Action three days a week, while SONG Pow­er runs small­er phonebanks to its exist­ing base.

“We real­ly lean into the fact that facts don’t change people’s minds, emo­tions and sto­ries and val­ues do,” Tim­pona explained. “It’s so rare for peo­ple to actu­al­ly feel lis­tened to, and to think that this per­son on the end of the line actu­al­ly cares. Our vol­un­teers real­ly take a lot of pride in cre­at­ing that space and know­ing how impor­tant this is not just for this elec­tion, but for every­thing we’re nav­i­gat­ing dur­ing the pandemic.”

In some ways, the piv­ot to focus­ing on just one state has made things simpler.

“In the fall we called into a dif­fer­ent state each night,” Tim­pona said. “It was like, Mon­day is Wis­con­sin, Tues­day is North Car­oli­na, Wednes­day is Penn­syl­va­nia, Thurs­day is Michi­gan, and Fri­day is Min­neso­ta. So in one sense it’s a lit­tle eas­i­er now, because we have more focus. But this is also a new state, new issue.”

With all eyes on Geor­gia, the scale of oper­a­tions is enor­mous. Ahead of the pres­i­den­tial elec­tion, People’s Action con­tact­ed 47.3 mil­lion vot­ers in bat­tle­ground states and had more than 280,000 in-depth phone conversations.

Ahead of the runoffs, the group plans to call 1 mil­lion peo­ple in rur­al Geor­gia alone.

Now that ear­ly vot­ing has start­ed, the strat­e­gy has shift­ed slight­ly to active­ly turn­ing out voters.

“There just hasn’t been infor­ma­tion about where peo­ple can go to vote, where ear­ly vot­ing is, should they return bal­lots in the mail, or should they return it in per­son,” Tim­pona said. “We’re real­ly dig­ging in and mak­ing sure peo­ple have all the answers they’re look­ing for, and all the infor­ma­tion they need.”

On the ground in Geor­gia, Brooks said SONG Pow­er plans to con­tin­ue its can­vass­ing efforts until the polls close on elec­tion day.

“Dur­ing the gen­er­al elec­tion there were tons of groups giv­ing rides to the polls,” she said. “We may just offer resources to oth­er groups that are sole­ly focused on that. But we do have this old church bus that’s kind of bro­ken down… maybe we’ll see if we can put that lit­tle beast in formation.”

Regard­less of the results on Jan. 5, both Tim­pona and Brooks see this mas­sive out­reach effort in Geor­gia as a way to build future relationships.

“It’s a very strong thread through all the con­ver­sa­tions that we’re hav­ing that a lot of peo­ple don’t feel a strong con­nec­tion with how the Sen­ate could actu­al­ly impact their life,” Tim­pona said. “Whether it’s rent, util­i­ties, cli­mate jus­tice, a job in health­care – there’s under­stand­ably the ques­tion ‘what can the gov­ern­ment do for me?’

“That’s the great thing about part­ner­ing. We know now that we can hand off the peo­ple that we talk to to race-build­ing, pow­er-build­ing orga­ni­za­tions after the elec­tion, so these con­ver­sa­tions we’re hav­ing are not just to turn out votes for Jan­u­ary 5.”

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People participate in a ceremony in Acteal in October 2020 to commemorate the 1997 massacre. (photo: Changiz M. Varzi/nacla)
People participate in a ceremony in Acteal in October 2020 to commemorate the 1997 massacre. (photo: Changiz M. Varzi/nacla)


Mexico: 23 Years of Impunity for the Perpetrators of the Acteal Massacre
Changiz M. Varzi, NACLA
Excerpt: "Survivors of the Acteal massacre have rejected the Mexican government's offer of compensation. They demand that the perpetrators and masterminds be brought to justice."


n a hut with almost no furniture, a group of Tzotzil people gather around a long wooden table and on the dirt floor, eating their breakfast: a bowl of beans, corn tortilla, habanero chili, and a big cup of coffee. The old wooden table and chairs are blackened with the smoke rising from a ground stove, where a pot of beans and a pot of coffee sit atop the fire.

Early in the morning of the 22nd of every month, young and old Tzotzil people pack this hut in Acteal, a small village in the highlands of Mexico’s southern state of Chiapas. Hailing from different communities of Chiapas’s Chenalhó municipality, they are all members of La Organización Sociedad Civil Las Abejas de Acteal, also known as Las Abejas. First, they eat their collective breakfast. Then they change out of their jeans and hoodies and into their traditional Tzotzil clothes to hold their monthly memorial of the 1997 Acteal massacre.

On December 22, 1997, over 100 armed men from the Máscara Roja paramilitary group entered Acteal, part of Las Abejas, and slaughtered 45 Tzotzil men, women and children, including four pregnant women. The paramilitaries sought to crush Indigenous communities suspected of supporting the Zapatista movement. Las Abejas, a pacifist Christian organization founded two years before the 1994 Zapatista uprising, opposed the Zapatistas’ use of armed struggle, but supported the movement’s goals of autonomy and Indigenous control over land.

Two decades later, not much has changed for the survivors and the family members of the victims of the massacre. Las Abejas, meaning The Bees, have held their monthly ceremony for the past 23 years, seeking justice. Meanwhile the perpetrators and masterminds of the massacre are still at large, enjoying unspoken impunity. In the aftermath of the massacre, 79 people were convicted and handed long-term prison sentences for their participation in the killings. However, the Mexican Supreme Court ordered their release individually and in groups in the following years.

“No matter what the government does, we will continue our fight for justice,” Simón Pedro Pérez López, a Tzotzil community leader and a member of the board of directors of Las Abejas, told me. “All we want is justice. We want the trial of those who ordered and carried out the massacre, and that the government recognize its full responsibility for the massacre.”

“No” to the Government’s Offer

On September 3, after 23 years of pressure from Mexican and international human rights activists, President Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s administration accepted that the federal government was responsible for failing to prevent the killing of unarmed civilians in Acteal. According to declassified U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency documents, the Mexican military tacitly backed paramilitary groups in Chiapas at the time of the massacre. However, instead of opening a new investigation to bring the perpetrators to justice, López Obrador’s government offered a friendly settlement to the families of the victims.

In an official apology ceremony, Alejandro Encinas, the Mexican deputy interior minister responsible for human rights, said to Tzotzil community leaders: “Accept our solidarity with your causes and our commitment to fulfill our inherent responsibilities...never again another Acteal.”

Tired of over two decades of injustice, a group of Tzotzil victims and survivors separated from Las Abejas and accepted the government’s offer of financial compensation. The government announced that it would close the case.

However, Las Abejas has firmly rejected the government’s solution.

“Fatigue has not defeated us, weariness has not bent us, the blows have not knocked us down, and hopelessness has not seized our hearts,” Las Abejas wrote in a statement rejecting the government’s offer.

“No promise of economic compensation is enough to make us settle for a public apology that does not get at the root of the truth, that allows all those responsible to go unpunished, and that therefore does not guarantee that another Acteal will not happen again in our territories. We have not settled for this crumb of justice,” the statement continued.

Pérez Lopéz believes that the López Obrador administration’s formal apology is not sincere and that by paying compensation, the government wants to silence demands for justice.

“Here in Chiapas, the government has done nothing to end the presence of the paramilitaries and still our lives are at risk,” Pérez Lopéz said. “We see with our own eyes that the sons of those who killed our families are now joining the ranks of new paramilitary groups, harassing Indigenous communities. The government is lying, they are still systematically killing the Indigenous people in Chiapas.”

Other members of Las Abejas suggest that the government’s friendly settlement is a part of a larger strategy to manipulate the survivors of the massacre in an attempt to close the case of the Acteal massacre at the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. Las Abejas filed the case against the Mexican state in 2005.

“Obviously the government wants to close the case, but we don’t accept that,” Guadalupe Vázquez Luna, a survivor of the massacre stressed. Vázquez Luna was 10 when the paramilitaries entered Acteal and killed her parents and five siblings. Now she is an Indigenous rights activist and an outspoken advocate of Las Abejas members who are seeking justice.

“The government’s apology will not give life to our parents, brothers, sisters and children whom we lost in the massacre. We don’t need an apology, we want to see those who were responsible for the massacre punished,” Vázquez Luna said.

Vázquez Luna and other members of Las Abejas demand prosecution of those who played a vital role in the massacre, including the politicians who supported and armed the paramilitaries during the 1990s. Former president Ernesto Zedillo is on the top of their list. He is known as one of the main supporters of the army’s Campaign Plan Chiapas 94 that paved the way for paramilitaries to do the government’s dirty work of suppressing Indigenous resistance.

“Ernesto Zedillo is still enjoying lots of benefits. He has a high position and receives millions of pesos, while we are waiting for justice. He should be in prison,” Vázquez Luna said. “What kind of justice is this, that you carry out a massacre and then you just apologize?”

Fear of More Massacres

Human rights lawyers have also condemned the government for offering compensation without holding the perpetrators accountable, suggesting that this provides greater impunity.

“Las Abejas are simply saying that they are not going to sell their dead,” Pedro Faro Navarro, director of Fray Bartolome Human Rights center of San Cristobal de las Casas (Frayba), told me.

“The government has offered a public apology, but has not yet accepted the state’s role in the massacre. This government is putting all the blame on previous administrations, instead of accepting the responsibility that the Mexican state had in this massacre,” he added.

According to Frayba’s investigations, the army forces in bases close to Acteal could hear the sounds of shooting during the massacre, but they did nothing to stop the killing. The massacre lasted several hours and even the police forces stationed near Acteal did not intervene. This kind of complicity is a widely known counterinsurgency strategy deployed by the Mexican government.

“Yet the government has not said anything about its role in counterinsurgency and the presence of paramilitaries in the region, which is still going on. The paramilitaries in this region have had well-established military organizations and strategies, with diffused linkages with the state. It is diffused, but it [still] exists,” Faro explained.

Twenty-three years after the Acteal massacre, Indigenous residents of Aldam, a village 12 miles away from Acteal, are now under sporadic attack by paramilitary groups. This strategy mirrors the violence Acteal suffered before the massacre. Human rights activists in Chiapas suggest that accepting the friendly settlement for the Acteal massacre would encourage the paramilitaries to continue their attacks on Indigenous communities in Aldama with no fear of punishment. Activists such as Vázquez Luna are worried that if the impunity continues, a new generation could suffer the same fate.

“We were raised without our parents and we lived without having a family,” Vázquez Luna said. “This is exactly what we don’t want to happen to other Indigenous communities.”

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A giraffe in the Nairobi National Park with the Nairobi skyline in the background in Nairobi, Kenya on Sept. 27, 2017. (photo: Buena Vista Images/Stone/Getty Images)
A giraffe in the Nairobi National Park with the Nairobi skyline in the background in Nairobi, Kenya on Sept. 27, 2017. (photo: Buena Vista Images/Stone/Getty Images)


Nearly 90% of Land Animals Could Lose Habitat by 2050, Study Finds
Emily Denny, EcoWatch
Denny writes: "Unless global food systems are transformed, the world could face severe ecological damage in just a few decades. A recent study in Nature Sustainability suggests that nearly 90% of land animals could lose some of their habitat by 2050 if current agricultural systems continue as is."

"We need to change what we eat and how it is produced if we are going to save wildlife on a global scale," said David Williams, one of the study's lead authors, according to The Guardian. Without a proactive policy, current agricultural systems could cause the loss of millions of square kilometers of natural ecosystems.

From eating less meat to reducing food waste, the study examined how potential changes could make an impact on food systems in various geographical regions.

The team from the University of Leeds and the University of Oxford designed a geographically specific model for agricultural land use, adding outputs with species-specific habitat preferences for almost 20,000 species of terrestrial vertebrates, according to the study.

"Nearly 1,300 species are likely to lose at least a quarter of their remaining habitat, and hundreds could lose at least half," Williams said according to Science Daily. "This makes them far more likely to go extinct."

The majority of this loss is projected to take place in sub-Saharan Africa, the Atlantic Rainforest of Brazil, eastern Argentina, and parts of South and Southeast Asia, Yale Environment 360 reported.

The study provides both a tool for scientists to estimate how agriculture expansion will contribute to species and biodiversity loss and suggests solutions food systems could undertake for the transformation necessary. The study's results "highlight the importance of proactive efforts to safeguard biodiversity by reducing demand for agricultural land," Michael Clark, another lead author of the study said, as reported by Science Daily.

"The good news is that if we make ambitious changes to the food system, then we can prevent almost all these habitat losses," he added.

The study proposed a multi-pronged technique that is region-specific, suggesting closing crop yield gaps, promoting healthier diets, curtailing food loss and waste, and implementing early planning when it comes to land-use to avoid conflict between food production and habitat protection.

"No one approach is sufficient on its own. But with global coordination and rapid action, it should be possible to provide healthy diets for the global population in 2050 without major habitat losses," Clark said according to The Guardian.

The study's publication comes at the same time 135 groups called on president-elect Joe Biden to sign an executive order, urging him to prioritize the extinction crisis as a threat to humanity in the U.S., according to a press release by the Center for Biological Diversity.

"The unsustainable exploitation of wildlife can have profound consequences, as evidenced by the COVID-19 pandemic, which almost certainly came about due to the trade in wildlife," the proposed executive order states.

Among its goals to protect 30% of America's lands and waters by 2030, the proposed order requires all federal agencies, including the Department of Agriculture, to review how its actions cause harm to endangered species and biodiversity.

The order calls for federal agencies to develop conservation programs that comply with Section 7(a)(2) of the Endangered Species Act, which states that any action authorized by a federal agency must not "jeopardize the continued existence of any endangered species or threatened species or result in the destruction or adverse modification of habitat."

When nearly 75% of global lands and 66% of ocean areas have been altered by people, and nearly 25% of global greenhouse emissions are attributed to agriculture, studies like the one published by Nature Sustainability and demands by the Center for Biological Diversity could motivate drastic change in food systems and promote sustainable land management, reversing both international and national trends towards ecological destruction via their agricultural systems.

"The time for half measures has passed," Tierra Curry, a senior scientist at the Center for Biological Diversity said in a press release. "President Biden must take bold, immediate action to end extinction because the survival of not just wildlife but humanity is now at stake."


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Tuesday, November 24, 2020

RSN: Harvey Wasserman | Chicago's Trial of the Century and Its Many Heroes, Cinematic and Real

 

 

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24 November 20


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23 November 20

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RSN: Harvey Wasserman | Chicago's Trial of the Century and Its Many Heroes, Cinematic and Real
Mayor Richard J. Daley stands at the microphone during the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago, while shouts resound from the crowd. (photo: Jack Thornell/AP)
Harvey Wasserman, Reader Supported News
Wasserman writes: "This we know for sure about Chicago '68: Mayor Richard J. 'Boss/Big Dick' Daley was 100% responsible for the 'police riots' at the pivotal Democratic Convention that helped elect Richard Nixon and prolong the war in Vietnam for an inexcusable 7 more years."

Daley did this by denying our Constitutional rights — some 15,000 of us, who came to “peaceably assemble” demanding a “redress of grievances” from the war’s prime perpetrators.

Had Daley acted with any sense or grace, he’d have granted our legal right to a daily march/rally permit, plus the ability to camp in Grant and Lincoln Parks (where else were we supposed to go?).

Certainly some among us might’ve broken a few windows and caused some havoc anyway. Certainly some among us were agents paid to do just that.

But mostly we were in Chicago to peacefully march, make our points against that horrible war in Vietnam, tell the Democratic party to CEASE AND DESIST. We figured also to smoke some dope, hear some music, and then go back home to work for peace, justice, and a totally transformed American way.

Instead, the Chicago police were put in the impossible position of “preserving disorder.” Some officers acted with dignity and grace. Many senselessly assaulted us with sadistic violence. Major commissions that studied the violent disaster of that fateful August week correctly termed it a “police riot.”

But in the bigger picture, it was not the cops’ fault. We were a short-fused powder keg of stoned, hormonal draft-agers. The police were ordered to make us disappear. That was not going to happen.

Ever since, a bloviating army has somehow blamed US (the demonstrators) for the subsequent defeat of the Democrats’ presidential nominee, Hubert Humphrey.

In the Democrats’ forever corporate tradition of blaming the activist left for their own inability to win critical elections (see Congressional down-ballot races, circa 2020) we were expected to say to ourselves:

“Well, golly gee, the Democrats are running the Vietnam slaughter and trashing our Constitutional rights, but if we don’t let Daley beat the hell out of us we might jeopardize Hubert’s election, so let’s just pack up and slink home.”

There was even worse. Despite Daley’s debacle, by November Humphrey was on the brink of victory. In the campaign’s final days, Lyndon Johnson (the war’s prime perpetrator) readied a truce between North and South Vietnam that would’ve solidified a bombing halt and a likely electoral blue wave.

Despite the Democrats’ Vietnam horror show, Richard Nixon was such a loathsome, twisted monster that Humphrey was still a preferred public choice.

A truce and cease-fire almost certainly would have given Humphrey the presidency … and his own chance to end the war.

But candidate Nixon COMMITTED TREASON to prevent that from happening.

This used to be the stuff of “conspiracy theory.” But thanks to tangible FBI and CIA phone taps (released a mere fifty years after the fact) Nixon methodically sabotaged those peace talks. Simply enough, he instructed his liaison to the South Vietnam regime (a despicable cabal of mob drug dealers) that if they nixed LBJ’s peace offering, he (Nixon) would “give them a better deal.”

The South Vietnamese took him at his word. The cease-fire died. The slaughter proceeded. Tricky Dick won.

And for a rare moment in his despicable career, Nixon kept his word … but not to the American people. In alliance with the Saigon thugs, he prolonged the war another seven years, killing countless Vietnamese and at least 20,000 more Americans.

A private citizen using a secret liaison to a foreign government to undermine an official US foreign policy initiative is the definition of sedition. When peace talks collapsed, Johnson was fully informed. On the phone he screamed to his Republican buddy, Senator Everett Dirksen (R-Ill.) “THIS IS TREASON!!!”

When Nixon heard what Johnson had said, he called LBJ to deny any wrongdoing. A lengthy conversation ensued, with a taped transcript now publicly available. Nixon was lying, and Johnson knew it.

But LBJ never uttered a public word about this grotesque betrayal to the American people, who deserved to know and who might have voted otherwise. Thus, Johnson shared responsibility for every bit of that epic backstab.

And yet, even today, we demonstrators are blamed for getting our heads bashed in and somehow costing Hubert Humphrey the 1968 election.

• • •

Which brings us to the next thing the two Dicks — Daley and Nixon — decided to do. And here we get to the film at hand.

It wasn’t enough that various government agencies had conspired to trash our peaceful marches.

When Nixon did take power, he demanded payback from those who’d dared to ask for those permits to march.

Aaron Sorkin’s Trial of the Chicago 7 (Netflix) is the latest of a slew of dramatizations come out over the years. This one shows us a quirky Attorney General John Mitchell summoning a young prosecutor to take the case. The Nixonian Mitchell — an authoritarian thug — blames the attack on an apparent insult from LBJ’s outgoing attorney general, Ramsey Clark, a legendary liberal.

Mitchell’s anointed lead prosecutor, Dick Schultz (Joseph Gordon-Levitt) is shown to be a thoughtful, conscientious young man with moral and political qualms about the case.

He wasn’t. For melodramatic purposes, Sorkin wants this guy to be sympathetic and appealing. Nobody remembers him — or his immediate boss, Thomas Foran — for any of that.

Judge Julius Hoffman, on the other hand (as played by Frank Langella), is a crazed, insufferable petty tyrant, a man harsh and unjust almost beyond belief.

And thus we come to his latest cinematic reincarnation.

Aaron Sorkin is the thoughtful producer/director of the entertaining West Wing, a signature American political drama. He makes the very committed real-life peace activist Martin Sheen into a President we can only pray for.

Sorkin’s watchable touch is on full display in Trial.

But unlike Marty Sheen’s Oval Office, Chicago was as real as Nixon’s treason.

We can be grateful for much. We see a Stalinesque circus trial run by a wacko fascist, pre-ordained to nail brave, committed activists for the “crime” of demanding peace.

We see the eight defendants, their lawyers, and the soon-to-be-murdered Fred Hampton portrayed with a sympathetic touch. In the hands of someone less talented or more Reaganesque, our beloved co-conspirators could easily have been smeared as traitors.

But granting all that — and it’s a lot — the named defendants were actual, nuanced people who deserved to be accurately portrayed. And here the film runs a spectrum:

ABBIE HOFFMAN

We start with Sasha Baron Cohen’s astonishing lead portrayal of the older brother I never had. Countless young activists followed Abbie’s career with awe, inspiration, and astonishment. In 1984, I began a cover story on him for New Age Magazine as he was seeing his parole officer. We conspired for peace, No Nukes, and social justice until April 1989, when I learned of his death while on a live talk show. It remains an indescribable moment.

By then Abbie had pioneered the art of science of political chutzpah. He’d been busted for an ill-advised coke deal, then fled underground for seven years. Hunted by federal authorities, Abbie got a nose job and “surfaced” as “Barry Freed,” a high profile eco-activist, fighting (successfully) against the destruction of the St. Lawrence River.

With “running mate” Johanna Lawrenson, a model and literary figure in her own right, Abbie/Barry appeared at countless high profile organizing meetings, public rallies, and media blitzes. As the police searched high and low, New York governor Hugh Carey and US senator Daniel Moynahan proudly cited “Barry” for his civic commitment.

Abbie could talk interminably with my liberal Jewish mother, who also loved him. While smoking various joints, he held brilliant, erudite discussions on community organizing and political theory. He also told the world we’d hold hands, surround the Pentagon, and levitate it off the ground. (The pundits scoffed, but the cops never did let us circle the building.)

In Sorkin’s 7, Sacha Baron Cohen gets Abbie as only a fellow Trickster could do. Abbie would have loved Borat’s piercing punkings of pompous tyrants like Rudy Giuliani and Mike Pence.

As a conjoined spirit, Borat/Abbie’s deeply informed bohemian brilliance and soulful commitment to peace and social justice become the heart of this drama. But Sorkin does it a needless disservice in the final footnotes, when he dismisses Abbie’s post-trial persona merely as having “committed suicide” in 1989.

The scant, dubious epitaph (his running mate Johanna still refers to Abbie’s death as “an apparent suicide”) entirely misses Abbie’s astounding post-trial triumphs as a major ecological pioneer and an inspirational mentor to countless young activists.

There is no excuse for that omission, Mr. Sorkin. There’s no reason you can’t yet change it.

TOM HAYDEN

Abbie’s oddest coupling was with his visionary co-conspirator, Tom Hayden, an equally brilliant, forever activist who also inspired a generation.

As portrayed by Eddie Redmayne, Tom was serious, forceful, and driven to win. Despite his antipathy to hippie theatrics, Tom was (like Abbie) as charismatic as he was relentless.

But Redmayne is physically slight. He doesn’t quite get Tom’s full power. Stocky, strong, and seriously competitive, Tom played varsity tennis at the University of Michigan. He was also editor of the U of M Daily (Class of ’61), where I followed him as editorial director six years later.

Tom unlocked the paper’s library. His evolving leftism resonated through the building for years to come.

After a brief teaching career, Tom moved to an urban ghetto, making tangible the career of a community organizer. When he married Jane Fonda (who was at least as radical as he was) our activist Earth shook on its axis. He later spent twenty very productive years in the California legislature, walking the margins between the grassroots community and the Democratic Party.

Even into our sixties, I felt star-struck around Tom Hayden. Last I heard him speak, he was as fiery, angry, and unbowed as we see him in 7. Some of us had dinner plans with him the week he died, which still hurts.

JERRY RUBIN

Far down the scale is 7’s portrayal of Jerry Rubin. As Abbie’s sidekick, Jerry was bright, funny, and effective. Played by Jeremy Strong, he comes off as a somewhat hapless buffoon, which he definitely was not.

Jerry later burned out on movement work, turning to health food, networking, and the outspoken pursuit of wealth. Married to Mimi Leonard, with two children, he wrote about his sex life and debated Abbie — to mixed reviews — in a not-so-tongue-in-cheek shtick called “Yippie versus Yuppie.” Sorkin’s epitaph cites Jerry merely as having become a “stockbroker.” To say the least, the reality is far more complex.

DAVE DELLINGER

Here Sorkin’s film hits a bad bottom. Played by John Carroll Lynch, we sense a suburbanite whose spiritual roots in a lifetime of pacifism are not quite clear.

In one truly inexcusable moment, Dave is shown punching a court officer (and then apologizing for it).

THIS ABSOLUTELY DID NOT HAPPEN!!!

Dave Dellinger spent years in prison for refusing to take up arms during World War II. He was an elder beacon for countless nonviolent protests.

He titled his autobiography From Yale to Jail. Even when sorely provoked — at least in his adulthood — it was a point of honor that Dave Dellinger would refrain from physical violence.

Years later, as we sat in at the Vermont Yankee nuclear plant, Dave made a pretty convincing case that Abbie had been murdered. When election protection attorney Bob Fitrakis held hearings on how Ohio’s 2004 election had been stolen, Dellinger came to Columbus while conducting a long water-only fast.

It was also Dave — not Tom — who read the names of those killed in Vietnam. He did it at the beginning of the trial, not the end. The litany included Vietnamese names, not just American ones.

Like Tom (and unlike the actor who portrays him) Dave’s powerful physical presence reflected his heartfelt commitments. There are artistic liberties that work in this film, but that alleged moment of personal violence does not. Mr. Sorkin, please edit it out!

BOBBY SEALE

Opinions also vary on Yahya Abdul-Mateen II’s portrayal of Bobby Seale. Clearly the government charged Bobby in hopes of confronting the jury with a “scary black man” amidst all those white defendants. His being bound and gagged in the courtroom was longer and more despicable than what we see.

Many years later, Abbie and I joined him as we spoke together at Temple University. He was formidable, charismatic, amiable … and deep into a cookbook based on the magic of his family’s Texas barbecue. Bobby Seale was really fun to be with … and none of his radicalism had boiled away.

FRED HAMPTON

In 7, Chicago’s legendary Black Panther leader (played by Kelvin Harrison Jr.) is shown as a serious-minded young (21) courtroom attendee who confers frequently with Bobby Seale. The Judge loudly identifies him for the jury. Later Bobby rightfully rages about Fred Hampton’s outrageous, wholly unprovoked official murder.

Along with Mark Clark, Hampton was in fact assassinated after the trial had ended. But Sorkin does us the important service of showing a police state willing to bind, gag, imprison, and murder bothersome black activists for no defensible reason.

THE LAWYERS, THE INVISIBLES & THE YIPPIE

I did not know Attorneys William Kunstler and Lenny Weinglass or Attorney-General Ramsey Clark, all of whom played key roles in 7. Those who did generally say they’re well portrayed.

Co-defendants Renny Davis, Jon Froines, and Lee Weiner are given roles of little consequence.

Except for a fictional under-cover agent, and for one who answers the phone at the “conspiracy office,” no women are granted even supporting roles in this film. Apparently based at least in part on the legendary Judy “Gumbo” Albert, Sorkin names his one female co-conspirator to evoke the image of Weather Underground leader Bernadine Dohrn.

Had more women been present in movement leadership back then, the level of in-fighting might’ve been greatly reduced, and the power of our demonstrations greatly enhanced.

Judy’s partner Stew Albert also does not appear, along with many others who played important roles in organizing those demonstrations.

Also absent is the conspiracy’s real “missing link,” Paul Krassner, which is a shame.

Paul was the genius publisher of The Realist, home to some of the movement’s vanguard reporting and graphic humor (including an iconic portrayal of Walt Disney’s cartoon pantheon wallowing in an obscene orgy).

The original “un-indicted co-conspirator,” Paul walked with a profound limp caused by a police beating. He was gentle, kind, insanely funny, and completely outside the box, especially in places like the countercultural Starwood Festival (still going, after these years) where he annually enlightened stoned throngs of “sky-clad” pagans.

While Abbie and Tom debated hippie versus politico, Paul invented the term Yippie to meld the two. (When called the Yippie Godfather, he declined the honor, saying he was “still awaiting the paternity test.”)

It was Paul who promised to put LSD in Chicago’s water supply. His hallucinogenic trial testimony infuriated Tom and Abbie, who refused to speak to him for months. But eventually they reconciled, as loving activists always do.

• • •

All of which makes us ache with timeless longing just to see and be with these folks again, even for an afternoon.

This film — like many others made about this trial — has rightfully provoked a cacophony of differing views. May it always be thus.

Overall, Aaron Sorkin’s gift is of course imperfect ... but one that serves as a sympathetic, astute rendition of a precious activist moment worthy of the ages.

What matters above all is that 50 years after it happened, respectful dramatizations of consequence are still being made about this amazing show of courageous defiance.

It came amidst a terrible war, when a synchronous band of justice fighters refused to bow before a hideous tyranny.

To everyone’s everlasting benefit, we see them emerging … for all time to come … as the genuine, beloved, deeply missed heroes they really were.



Harvey Wasserman’s Chicago ’68 club wounds helped inspire The People’s Spiral of US History (www.solartopia.org). He co-convenes the Grassroots Emergency Election Protection Coalition, joinable by zoom every Monday, 5-6:30 p.m. Eastern Time through www.grassrootsep.org.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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Turkeys being handed out at a food distribution event ahead of Thanksgiving in Brooklyn, New York, on November 20. (photo: Angela Weiss/AFP/Getty Images)
Turkeys being handed out at a food distribution event ahead of Thanksgiving in Brooklyn, New York, on November 20. (photo: Angela Weiss/AFP/Getty Images)


12 Million Americans Are About to Lose Unemployment Insurance. Congress Is on Recess.
Emily Stewart, Vox
Stewart writes: "If regular people have to skip their holiday with loved ones, then Congress and the White House should cancel theirs, too, and get to work on crafting and passing legislation to help those people ride out the rest of the crisis."
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Joe Biden. (photo: Alex Majoli/Magnum Photos)
Joe Biden. (photo: Alex Majoli/Magnum Photos)


Danny Sjursen | What President Biden Won't Touch: Foreign Policy, Sacred Cows, and the US Military
Danny Sjursen, TomDispatch
Sjursen writes: "Don't count on Status-quo Joe to slaughter Washington's sacred cows of foreign policy or on his national security team to topple the golden calves of American empire."
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Pharmaceutical researcher. (photo: John Cairns/AP)
Pharmaceutical researcher. (photo: John Cairns/AP)

ALSO SEE: US Vaccine Expert Predicts Life Could Be Back to Normal Around May


3rd Major COVID-19 Vaccine Shown to Be Effective and Cheaper
Danica Kirka and Jill Lawless, Associated Press
Excerpt: "Pharmaceutical company AstraZeneca said Monday that late-stage trials showed its coronavirus vaccine was up to 90% effective, giving public health officials hope they may soon have access to a vaccine that is cheaper and easier to distribute than some of its rivals."
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Migrant families from Central America are released at the border with orders to appear for future hearings in immigration court, on June 11, 2018 in McAllen, Texas. (photo: John Moore/Getty Images)
Migrant families from Central America are released at the border with orders to appear for future hearings in immigration court, on June 11, 2018 in McAllen, Texas. (photo: John Moore/Getty Images)


Biden Will Try to Unmake Trump's Immigration Agenda. It Won't Be Easy
Julia Preston, The Marshall Project
Preston writes: "Even if Biden quickly orders a final end to family separations and re-opens the border for asylum-seekers, his plans could stall without action at the Justice Department, which holds extensive power over the immigration system."
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An Iron Dome anti-missile system in Golan Heights. (photo: Hamad Almakt/Reuters)
An Iron Dome anti-missile system in Golan Heights. (photo: Hamad Almakt/Reuters)


Israel Strikes Widely in Syria, Sending Signal of Aggressive Post-Trump Posture
Jeffrey Heller and Suleiman Al-Khalidi, Reuters
Excerpt: "Israel launched air raids against what it called a wide range of Syrian and Iranian targets in Syria on Wednesday, sending a signal that it will pursue its policy of striking across the border despite U.S. President Donald Trump's election defeat."

The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, a war monitor, said at least 10 people were killed. Syria’s state news agency reported three military personnel killed and one wounded.

The Observatory said the dead included five Iranians from the elite Quds Force and at least two Lebanese or Iraqi Shi’ite militiamen. A commander of pro-Damascus forces denied Iranians or Lebanese were among the casualties.

Israel has regularly attacked what it says are Iranian-linked targets in Syria in recent years, and stepped up such strikes this year in what Western intelligence sources describe as a shadow war to reduce Iran’s influence.

But Wednesday’s attacks struck a far wider range of targets than usual, and the Israeli military was more forthcoming about the details than in the past, suggesting a clear aim to send a public message about Iranian involvement in Syria.

Trump, who lost his re-election bid on Nov. 3, has been a strong backer of Israeli military intervention against Iranian forces in Syria. President-elect Joe Biden has said he will try to revive a nuclear agreement with Iran that Trump abandoned.

“Biden has to ask himself, exactly what is Iran after in Syria?” Israeli Intelligence Minister Eli Cohen said on Army Radio after the Israeli strikes.

Israel said it was retaliating for what it called an Iranian-sponsored operation in which Syrians planted explosives near an Israeli military base in the occupied Golan Heights.

Lieutenant-Colonel Jonathan Conricus, an Israeli military spokesman, said eight targets were hit, belonging to the Syrian army or the Quds Force, in areas stretching from the Syrian-controlled side of the Golan Heights to the Damascus periphery.

They included an Iranian headquarters at Damascus international airport, a “secret military site” that hosted Iranian military delegations, and the 7th Division of the Syrian armed forces, he said. Syrian surface-to-air defences were also hit after firing at Israeli planes and missiles, Conricus said.

A former Syrian military commander told Reuters the attacks also targeted bases of the Iranian-backed Lebanese Shi’ite group Hezbollah in Syria. Conricus made no mention of Hezbollah.

Western countries say the Quds Force of Iran’s elite Revolutionary Guards is responsible for supporting Tehran’s allies in proxy conflicts across the Middle East, coordinating Shi’ite militia fighters from Lebanon, Iraq and elsewhere.

Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s government has never publicly acknowledged that there are Iranian forces operating on his behalf in Syria’s civil war, only that Tehran has sent military advisors.

Western intelligence sources say Israeli strikes this year have undermined Iran’s extensive military power in Syria without triggering a major increase in hostilities.

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A rare rusty-spotted cat is spotted in the wild in 2015. (photo: David V. Raju/Wikimedia Commons)
A rare rusty-spotted cat is spotted in the wild in 2015. (photo: David V. Raju/Wikimedia Commons)


Three Rare Cat Species in Southeast Asia May Go Extinct Unless Better Protected
Carly Nairn, EcoWatch
Nairn writes: "Misunderstanding the needs of how to protect three rare cat species in Southeast Asia may be a driving factor in their extinction, according to a recent study."

isunderstanding the needs of how to protect three rare cat species in Southeast Asia may be a driving factor in their extinction, according to a recent study.

Only six to 11 percent of the habitat used by the fishing cat, leopard cat and rusty-spotted cat is currently protected, based on findings published in the journal Scientific Reports by researchers at Uppsala University in Sweden.

All three species are endemic to the Indian subcontinent, comprising India, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Bhutan and the Maldives. Over a third of the world's wild felines call the region home, and the three species studied share a common cat ancestor. There are no current population figures on the rare cats as they are extremely difficult to find, even with state-of-the-art camera traps.

But the fishing cat, about twice the size of an average house cat, may no longer have a home, as its preferred habitat — mangrove swamps and coastal wetlands — are increasingly eradicated for development. Since 2016 the species has been listed as "Vulnerable" on the IUCN Red List.

"This study is important because it shows that many small, rare and elusive cats in the Indian subcontinent don't get as much attention as the more spectacular big cats. Nevertheless, the need to protect them is just as pressing," said Mats Björklund, a professor emeritus of Zooecology at Uppsala University, in a statement about the findings.

The leopard cat is also a victim of habitat destruction, but its environment ranges from shrub land and low-lying forests to inland wetlands, and populations are steadier than those of the fishing cat. Part of the study identified which ecological conditions each species preferred, using computer algorithms to predict their numbers and locations in favored areas.

The rusty-spotted cat is one of the smallest wild cat species in the world and mostly spends its time in the deciduous forests of India and Sri Lanka. It is listed as "Near Threatened" on the IUCN Red List, due to increased farmland use of its home.

"Species like the rusty-spotted cat exist only in this region, so to ensure we don't lose them it's essential to create more protected areas," said André P. Silva, the study's lead author and a doctoral student in the department of ecology and genetics at Uppsala University.

The goal of the study was to better understand environmental factors such as land cover, land use and climate, which threaten the three cat species. Thanks to this research, more protective measures can be implemented.

"The number and size of the protected areas must be increased to include more biotopes containing these species," says Björklund.

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