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RSN: Mort Rosenblum | Extra! Republicans Murder Elephants

 

 

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30 April 21

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RSN: Mort Rosenblum | Extra! Republicans Murder Elephants
A screen grab from footage of the National Rifle Association's Wayne LaPierre and his wife, Susan. (photo: The New Yorker)
Mort Rosenblum, Reader Supported News
Rosenblum writes: 

UCSON – Months after the Sandy Hook gunman killed 20 schoolkids and six adults, Wayne LaPierre went to Botswana, eager to make a National Rifle Association promo video, a brave white hunter in mortal combat with a raging bull elephant. It didn’t happen that way.

The New Yorker unearthed the video eight years after the NRA buried it. It shows LaPierre, ham-handed and nervous, botch an up-close execution of his docile prey. Two guides praise him profusely, then shake their heads in contemptuous disbelief behind his back.

With several off-mark bullets, he wounds his quarry. One guide helps him aim a final coup de grace. As he preens for photos with his kill, the other one directs his wife’s tripod-mounted gun so that she can murder her own elephant, standing still a short distance away.

Lots of pictures show Don Jr. and Eric Trump posed triumphantly over noble African beasts they dispatched in similar fashion. But the LaPierres, giddy with glee as they fondle massive ivory tusks and saw off leathery tails, reach to the depths of human depravity.

During the mid-80s, I spent months in the Okavango Delta, that same part of Botswana, researching a book titled Squandering Eden. Later, I tracked supply chains to ivory and rhino horn markets in Asia.

In 1984, Burundi was down to its last elephant. Yet it exported 100 tons of ivory – tusks from 11,000 elephants illegally trafficked from other African countries. Ten million elephants roamed the continent in the 1930s. Today, estimates number them at near 400,000.

The problem is complex in Africa, where mushrooming human populations look askance at lumbering pachyderms that trample crops and devastate trees with their trunks. Game wardens need to cull old bulls in big herds to maintain a natural balance.

But there is money to be made, legitimately or otherwise, on an unruly continent in a world where rich high-rollers, Chinese chefs, Asian healers, and others spare little thought to the population crash, if not extinction, of creatures great and small.

Safari operators that charge up to $50,000 for an elephant hunt lobby hard for the privilege. Poachers with automatic weapons, hardly concerned with sustainability, massacre at random. They hack out tusks with machetes and leave the rest to rot.

Big-game hunting still had a certain panache in the 1980s. Lionel Palmer, a Botswana legend, made his clients work for their trophies and kept his camp in tune with the wilds. Once he silenced one of his bearer’s loud radio with a .357 rifle blast.

But Lloyd Wilmot saw the future. We toured the Okavango in a stripped-down Land Rover and then crisscrossed above savannahs in his Cessna to follow depleted herds. “It’s shocking,” he said. “Killing is peanuts with modern weapons. Hemingway did enormous damage to African wildlife by making hunting macho.”

Though modest in manner and stature, Lloyd was fearless. He was nearly trampled three times by elephants – and once by hippos while skin diving in a swamp. His father, Bobby, notched up 45,000 crocodiles in the Okavango until a black mamba got him in 1968.

In 1970, he decided that animals should be seen, not shot, and he set up Lloyd’s Camp at Savuti. Tourists loved it. One wrote in his guestbook: “If Lloyd is my shepherd, I Wilmot want.” He is still there, but many of those herds and prides he showed me are not.

The trend is grim for all African wildlife. In 2019, CNN produced a piece on cheetahs, handsome cats that can pace a Ferrari in first gear. Fewer than 7,500 then remained in the wild, experts estimated, and 1,000 were kept as exotic pets in Arab Gulf states.

Hundreds are captured annually in the Horn of Africa, smuggled out of Somaliland to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Cheetahs languish in captivity; many die within the year. Simple math suggests a crash from which they may not recover.

With Asian tigers in short supply, traditional Chinese medicine men instead grind up lion bones for assorted maladies, mostly one more effectively treated with Viagra.

Even tall blond giraffes are targeted, a bellwether that reflects deepening global crises. Food grows scarce as temperatures rise, and locusts ravage crops that survive drought. And as heavy weapons flood into Africa, game wardens are no match for armed gangs.

Traditional poachers are now joined by zealots from the defeated Islamic State, who moved deep into Africa where they link up with local Muslim terrorist groups. In areas they control, no hunting rules apply. For hungry villagers elsewhere, anything is fair game.

Hunters kill giraffes for their meat. They take what they can carry away and, like those slaughtered de-tusked elephant carcasses, the rest is left for the hyenas and vultures.

Overall, well-heeled foreigners account for a small part of the decline in African big game, and the morality of guided safaris with high-tech firepower is a personal call. My own inclination is to lump them together with those vultures and hyenas.

I am still haunted by a photo spread, years ago, in London’s Sunday Times. It showed aging American millionaires with self-satisfied smiles in vast trophy rooms displaying mounted heads and stuffed pelts: lions, leopards, buffalo and the rest, even a few rhinos.

All that needless plunder raises the obvious question: How much good might been done in Africa if the cost of all those safaris went toward helping people? Live animals, protected in natural habitat game parks, generate income for Africans who badly need it.

Watching that New Yorker video (the link is attached) adds another question. Just how much money did the NRA squander for scrapped propaganda meant to portray its spendthrift director as a skilled role-model sportsman?

It is sickening enough to see a hobby hunter gloat over an elephant that in a fair matchup would stomp him into mush. In the case of Wayne LaPierre, a wimp warrior who callously condones so many human gun deaths at home, it is beyond obscene.



Mort Rosenblum has reported from seven continents as Associated Press special correspondent, edited the International Herald Tribune in Paris, and written 14 books on subjects ranging from global geopolitics to chocolate. He now runs MortReport.org.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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Demonstrators stand outside of the Georgia Capitol building on March 3, 2021, in Atlanta, Georgia. (photo: Getty)
Demonstrators stand outside of the Georgia Capitol building on March 3, 2021, in Atlanta, Georgia. (photo: Getty)


A Former Georgia Sheriff's Deputy Said He Wanted to Charge Black People With Felonies to Prevent Them From Voting, Court Documents Show
Madison Hall, Business Insider
Hall writes: "A former Georgia deputy said he had plans to charge Black Georgians with felonies to prevent them from voting, according to court filings in the Middle District of Georgia."

Cody Griggers, 28, pleaded guilty on Monday to one count of possession of an unregistered firearm. He was fired from his position in November 2020 after FBI investigators messaged the Wilkinson County sheriff about the investigation into Griggers, the Raleigh News & Observer reported.

The FBI first became aware of Griggers from a separate federal case in California regarding an associate of his, Grey Zamudio. They started investigating Zamudio after receiving a tip about Facebook posts that said "it's up to vigilantie militia to crush the liberal terrorists." Investigators seized Zamudio's cell phone from a search warrant where they discovered that he and Griggers regularly communicated in a group text known as "Shadow Moses."

According to the filing, Griggers wrote extensively in the group about purchasing illegal weapons and explosives and "expressed viewpoints consistent with white racially motivated extremists," including positive references to the Holocaust.

In August 2019, Griggers wrote in the group that he used excessive force on a theft suspect and said the beating was "sweet stress relief."

"I beat the s--- out of a n-----t on Saturday," he wrote. "Sherrif's dept said it look like he fell."

Griggers also said he planned to charge Black Georgians with felonies to prevent them from voting, the court documents show.

"It's a sign of beautiful things to come," Griggers said. "Also I'm going to charge them with whatever felonies I can to take away their ability to vote."

In Georgia, felons are not allowed to vote until completing the terms of parole, incarceration, probation, and all fines are paid.

Two months after detailing his plan to strip Black Georgians from being able to vote, Griggers reiterated his desire to disenfranchise voters in the event of a second Civil War, the filing shows.

"I think it might be best to fight the next generation," Griggers wrote in the group text. "Castrate, kill, remove voting rights, and also educate the population. Basically kill and f--- the enemy out of existence."

After executing a search warrant at Griggers' home in November 2020, investigators said they discovered an unregistered rifle with an illegally shortened barrel. Griggers' work vehicle was searched as well, where officers discovered several additional weapons including a machine gun with an "obliterated serial number" that was not issued to him by the Wilkinson County Sheriffs Office. In total, investigators found 11 illegal firearms.

"This former law enforcement officer knew that he was breaking the law when he chose to possess a cache of unregistered weapons, silencers, and a machinegun, keeping many of them in his duty vehicle, said Acting US Attorney Peter Leary in a DOJ release. "Coupled with his violent racially motivated extreme statements, the defendant has lost the privilege permanently of wearing the blue."

Griggers' sentencing is set for July 6. He faces up to 10 years in prison for the firearm charge followed by three years of supervised release and a maximum fine of $250,000.

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Bianca and her daughter can't fathom why authorities raided their home by mistake. (photo: KARE 11)
Bianca and her daughter can't fathom why authorities raided their home by mistake. (photo: KARE 11)


Minneapolis Police Held an Innocent Family at Gunpoint in No-Knock SWAT Raid
A.J. Lagoe and Steve Eckert, KARE 11
Excerpt: "As Bianca Mathias' home was searched, she says it became clear to the officers that they had made a mistake."

Mother and child terrorized in bungled no-knock warrant raid. A KARE 11 investigation reveals Minneapolis police failed basic checks and hit the wrong address.

 was like waaaaa…” Bianca Mathias recalls screaming just after 6 o’clock on Thursday morning, Feb. 11.

She woke up to flashlights, firearms, and strange men in her Coon Rapids townhome.

“Two of them had their guns up,” she said, holding her arms in the air as if holding a rifle.

“I thought we were being robbed at first,” said the hairdresser.

The home invaders smashed through the front door and proceeded to bash in bedroom doors – even breaking in on her young daughter.

“The sound was just so quick,” said 12-year-old Jaiselle Mathias of the moment her door slammed open.

“I got really scared,” she said, remembering how guns were pointed at her as she lay in bed.

“I’ve never felt so helpless as a mom,” Bianca said, “because all I did is sit there and scream initially.”

Down the hall, other armed men used a battering ram on the door of the guestroom where family friend Justin Garbette was just getting up for work.

“All of a sudden, my door burst through and I got zip tied,” he said.

In a matter of seconds, the Anoka County Sheriff’s Office SWAT Team - which does not wear body cameras - had achieved their goal of securing the home.

The problem? Records show authorities raided the wrong address.

What’s more, a KARE 11 investigation has uncovered evidence that the correct address was easily available in public records. But Minneapolis authorities who requested the raid apparently failed to check them.

A mistake

“They were like, ‘Do you know what we’re here for?’ I’m like, ‘No’!” Bianca responded.

“‘Have a seat on the couch,’” she remembers them telling her. They said a Minneapolis police detective would be in soon to explain.

Bianca, her daughter and their friend were escorted downstairs in their pajamas to be interviewed.

No real explanation was given even after MPD Sergeant David Swierzewski came inside.

According to Bianca, they were told Minneapolis police were looking for someone who was armed and dangerous and lived at her address.

Although it was a Minneapolis investigation, the home was in Anoka County. So, the sheriff’s SWAT team was brought in to assist with the raid.

As her home was searched, she says it became clear to the officers that they had made a mistake.

“Oh, you’re not who we’re looking for,” she recalls being told.

“Ya think?” the now angry woman responded – looking at all the damage to her front and bedroom doors.

The only items taken by investigators were some mail addressed to the prior residents.

Bianca and her daughter had moved into the home in May of last year and couldn’t fathom why their house was targeted.

“I just don’t understand how they messed it up that bad,” Jaiselle said, “We’ve been living here for almost an entire year and you raided the wrong house.”

The search warrant left behind provided some clues.

No-knock warrant

The Anoka SWAT team and MPD detective left Bianca with a copy of a search warrant that authorized the raid.

It described what is known as a “no-knock” warrant - where police are not required to announce their presence before forcibly entering a property.

It was signed by judge Thomas Fitzpatrick and authorized a nighttime search of the residence without announcement of authority, looking for firearms, electronic devices capable of recording location history, and a blue and black jacket or sweatshirt, black pants, and black and white shoes.

“Did you even have a gun in the home?” asked KARE 11 investigative reporter A.J. Lagoe.

“No!” responded Bianca. “I wouldn’t have a gun, I’m not a gun person.”

“My mom is like scared of them,” Jaiselle chimed in.

Unable to get answers on her own, Bianca asked KARE 11 for help figuring out why her home was targeted.

KARE 11 obtained SWAT team after action and incident reports from Anoka County that spell out what happened.

Robbery Investigation

According to the Anoka records, Minneapolis police were investigating a robbery that happened in the Lake Street Target parking lot.

The victim was robbed of a handgun at gunpoint.

The records state that the identified suspect was reported to have been living in Coon Rapids with his mother.

KARE 11 is not naming him because he has not been charged in this case.

The address listed on the warrant is the same home where Bianca and Jaiselle now live.

MPD then obtained the no-knock warrant and requested help from Anoka SWAT in executing it.

The SWAT team drew up a tactical plan, which included breaching the front door with a ram in the pre-dawn raid.

Bianca and Jaiselle believe police failed to make basic checks before officers came storming in unannounced, guns drawn.

They’re right.

Easy to find

A KARE 11 investigation found the real address for the robbery suspect MPD was targeting was easy to find.

KARE 11 quickly discovered a current address in St. Paul listed right on the state court’s public website.

What’s more, the man is on probation for a prior conviction and is required to keep his address updated with Anoka Community Corrections.

In an email to KARE 11, an Anoka county spokesperson confirmed the man is in full compliance with the address requirements of his probation - and was when the raid happened back in February.

A simple check with the local probation office would have indicated that the suspect was no longer staying at the Coon Rapids house where Bianca and her daughter now live.

There were other reasons to believe he had moved.

KARE 11 discovered St. Paul police incident reports showing they had multiple interactions with the man at his current address – after the Target parking lot robbery and before the botched Coon Rapids raid.

Some basic checking could have prevented the wrong-address raid.

Controversial tactic

It is not the first time police have raided the wrong home.

Surprise police raids like this have resulted in civilian deaths and attracted criticism since the war on drugs was at its height in 1980s and 90s.

No-knock warrants have come under even harsher criticism nationwide since police in Louisville, Kentucky shot and killed 26-year-old Breonna Taylor in her home in March 2020.

Gunfire erupted between the detectives and Taylor's boyfriend, who said he thought the officers were home invaders.

Taylor was struck and killed by police bullets.

Her name - along with George Floyd's - has been chanted nationwide during protests against police killings of Black people.

Her boyfriend, Kenneth Walker, was among those in attendance at the funeral last week for Daunte Wright, the young man killed during a traffic stop in Brooklyn Center.

“They (no-knock raids) result in people being injured, property being destroyed, and people losing their lives,” said Minnesota State Representative Athena Hollins (DFL – St. Paul)

Hollins introduced a bill to regulate when no-knocks can be used in Minnesota. The proposed legislation initially limited them to cases involving first degree murder, hostages, kidnapping, terrorism, and human trafficking. A modified version passed the House but has yet to gain traction in the GOP-controlled state Senate.

Hollins says too often, no-knock warrants have been used disproportionately on communities of color.

“We need to work with law enforcement,” Hollins said, “to make sure we’re doing our due diligence before invading someone’s home. And potentially the wrong person’s home!”

Due diligence?

“What due diligence was done to make sure that the proper individuals were staying in that house?” KARE 11 asked Anoka Sheriff James Stuart about the raid on Bianca’s home.

“That would be a question for MPD,” replied Stuart.

Stuart says he can’t remember a similar “terrible situation” ever happening in Anoka County, and acknowledges his team did none of their normal fact-checking or surveillance before executing the no-knock warrant.

He says they trusted MPD to have done their due diligence since it was their warrant.

Sheriff Stuart says he was “hot under the collar” when learning they’d gone into an innocent family’s home.

“It will certainly cause us to pause and reflect on how we interact with outside investigating agencies,” he said.

What, if any, steps MPD made to fact-check the information is not known.

Promised reform

The botched raid happened despite reforms Minneapolis officials announced months ago.

Following the death of George Floyd, Minneapolis police announced restrictions in November on the use of no-knock warrants as part of promised police reforms.

“This is about proactive policymaking and instilling accountability,” Mayor Jacob Frey said in a press release at the time. “We can’t prevent every tragedy, but we can limit the likelihood of bad outcomes. This new, no-knock warrant policy will set shared expectations for our community and clear and objective standards within the department.”

When KARE 11 filed open records requests under Minnesota’s data practices law to find out if the new policies were followed in the Coon Rapids raid, a city official replied: “MPD would not have any reports related to this incident as it did not occur in Minneapolis.”

State law requires search warrants and lists of what was seized to typically be filed with the court within 10 days.

More than two months after the early morning raid on Bianca’s home, there’s still no record in the state court system of the search warrant – or the evidence provided to Judge Fitzpatrick by MPD Detective Swierzewski when he applied for the warrant.

Except for the copy left with Bianca, there is no public record of the search warrant’s existence.

Spokesman John Elder told KARE 11 MPD acted on the best information they had and defended the use of the search warrant because the robbery suspect still had mail going to the Coon Rapids address.

Even so, Bianca says a little fact checking by MPD could have saved her a damaged home and a lot of mental trauma.

“I actually asked them,” she said, “What would it have taken for you guys to shoot us?”

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In May 1985, Philadelphia police dropped a bomb on the Osage Avenue neighborhood and burned it to the ground during a battle with the militant group MOVE. (photo: George Widman/AP)
In May 1985, Philadelphia police dropped a bomb on the Osage Avenue neighborhood and burned it to the ground during a battle with the militant group MOVE. (photo: George Widman/AP)


After Protests Over Unauthorized Use of MOVE Child's Bones, University of Pennsylvania and Princeton Apologize
Democracy Now!
Excerpt: "Following protests, two Ivy League schools - the University of Pennsylvania and Princeton University - have issued apologies for their handling of the remains of an African American child killed by the Philadelphia police in the 1985 MOVE bombing."

ollowing protests, two Ivy League schools — the University of Pennsylvania and Princeton University — have issued apologies for their handling of the remains of an African American child killed by the Philadelphia police in the 1985 MOVE bombing. Students at Princeton held a protest on campus to support the demands of the MOVE community, who held another protest at the same time at the Penn Museum in Philadelphia, and 70 Princeton professors signed on to a letter published in the campus newspaper that called on the university to act. “This routinely happens where vulnerable people are exploited in the name of research,” says Aisha Tahir, a Princeton senior who helped organize a protest on campus. “Princeton does not have practices in place which center the preciousness of human life.”

Transcript

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The Quarantine Report. I’m Amy Goodman. By the way, you can sign up for our daily news digest email by texting the word “democracynow” — one word, no space — to 66866. That’s “democracynow,” texting it to 66866 today.

Yes, this is Democracy Now!, as we continue to look at the MOVE bombing and its aftermath. Two Ivy League schools have issued apologies this week for their handling of the remains of an African American child killed by the Philadelphia police in the 1985 bombing of the home of the radical, Black liberation, anti-police-brutality group MOVE. The apologies came after revelations that the remains of a child who was a victim of the bombing were reportedly given to anthropologist Alan Mann, a now-retired Princeton University professor, and held in the Penn Museum for years — the Penn Museum is the University of Pennsylvania’s Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology — and that the bones were recently used in an online teaching course by Penn Museum curator Janet Monge, a visiting Princeton University professor. The online course was called “Real Bones: Adventures in Forensic Anthropology.” It was used, the bones, without permission from the family of the children.

Students at Princeton have held a protest on campus Wednesday to support the MOVE community, who held another protest at the same time at the Penn Museum in Philadelphia. This is one of the speakers.

PROTESTER: They say it’s OK because they think, “Oh, well, this is a part of this cultural moment. This is how the science goes. This is how we do it. We had to do it. This is what excuses us experimenting on human beings.” They’ve been doing this to our Black bodies for hundreds of years! In the name of science, in the name of study. We are not subjects of study. We are human beings, God damn it, and our lives matter!

AMY GOODMAN: Philadelphia City Councilperson Jamie Gauthier, who was responsible for issuing the apology for the MOVE bombing, also spoke at the protest Wednesday outside the University of Pennsylvania.

COUNCILMEMBER JAMIE GAUTHIER: The University of Pennsylvania has apologized for its role in this situation. But an apology is not enough. Saying it won’t happen again is not enough. The damage is already done, and now everyone involved needs to be held accountable for their actions. The Africa family is owed a full explanation of what happened by the university and by the city of Philadelphia, who transferred the remains to Professor Mann without consent. And the family is also owed some form of restitution to compensate for this egregious act.

AMY GOODMAN: This week, the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, known as the Penn Museum, apologized via Twitter, saying, quote, “We understand the importance of reuniting the remains with the family, and we are working now to find a respectful, consultative resolution.” Princeton University President Christopher Eisgruber issued a statement saying he’s, quote, “concerned” over reports that the remains were used for instruction on campus, and said he would launch a fact-finding effort conducted by outside counsel.

Earlier this week, Democracy Now! spoke with Mike Africa Jr., a second-generation MOVE member who was 6 years old when Philadelphia police bombed the MOVE home.

MIKE AFRICA JR.: I don’t trust the Penn Museum. I don’t trust Princeton. I definitely want to say that there is more to come with this. … There needs to be accountability, because the reaction, the people — Penn’s reaction to this is totally unprofessional, making an apology through a statement through someone else. And, you know, the whole thing just is egregious.

AMY GOODMAN: This week, 70 Princeton professors, including Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, Imani Perry and Eddie Glaude, signed on to a letter published in the campus newspaper calling on the university to act. The group writes, quote, “The University should move beyond denial to pursue restitution and repair. … The victims of the MOVE bombing, their families, and those of us at Princeton invested in Black history and communities deserve more,” they said.

To begin our look at what all this means, we go to Princeton University, where we’re joined Aisha Tahir, a senior who is an African American studies major. She helped organize a protest on campus Wednesday to support the MOVE community’s demands.

Aisha, welcome to Democracy Now! Talk about what you are demanding.

AISHA TAHIR: So, what we demanded, we wanted in our demands to kind of show the complexity of the matter and the fact that it wasn’t simple when we came up with the demands, acknowledging that justice and accountability looks very different for the family and how it could look for us and the people at this institution who are calling for accountability here. So, one of our most important kind of factors was that we want Princeton to work with the family and work with them and kind of try to understand how they can repair that part of the harm that has happened, but on the side of the institution, which, you know, this routinely happens, where vulnerable people are exploited in the name of research and lab scientific knowledge.

And so, our demands here really focus on the freedom of Mumia Abu-Jamal. Princeton has countless financial resources. We want them to work with the family and with the organizations on the outside to free Mumia Abu-Jamal, knowing that what we are really fighting for, beyond accountability, is also human life, and Mumia is still in prison, and we would like for Mumia to be free.

Our other most important demand is that we make sure that this never happens again. This was able to happen because Princeton has — Princeton does not have practices in place which kind of center the preciousness of human life, and it allows vulnerable people to be used as lab subjects. And so, we asked for the faculty who signed on to the op-ed that you just talked about — we asked that those faculty overlook kind of like an accountability, also do an investigation into the Anthropology Department and to work with people on the outside and people on the inside to see how the department needs to change. The fact that there are only three professors within the department who signed on — as of last night, I checked, there were only three professors within the department who signed on to the letter — that’s horrific. And as students, I mean, we routinely see how the departments on this university ignore these very violations of human life.

And so, I think that those are the two most important demands, which are that this can never happen again, and we need to make sure that there is economic justice involved in this process, but also the fact that Mumia needs to be freed. And we heard that from the Africa family, and we’re going to echo that. And we’re also going to acknowledge that this is a lot more complicated, and we, possibly, and this institution can’t know what justice looks like, so they need to work with the family, with the MOVE organization, to know what will be justice for them.

AMY GOODMAN: And your response, Aisha, to the Princeton University president saying he’s concerned over reports that the remains were used for instruction on campus, and that he’s launching an independent investigation?

AISHA TAHIR: I mean, I’ve been long involved in organizing on campus. And, you know, my first question is: Why did they come almost a week and a half later, after there was a protest, after faculty signed on to an op-ed? Why did he decide to do a statement now? Also, the fact that there’s going to be a fact-finding investigation, that means nothing. He should have reached out to the family. He should have had sat down with the family, virtually, in person, socially distanced, whatever that might be. He should have, to take this with a sense of urgency. I saw no sense of urgency in this, which means that he clearly does not understand the implications of what has happened.

It is incredibly traumatizing to students who learn at this university, knowing that we are being taught and we are being — we are complicit in all of these — right? — because we sat through them, were present through them. And he is able to sleep at night. I don’t know how.

And so, I think that my response to him is that, I mean, I believe nothing he says, and I also believe that this will change nothing, other than — I think that that was kind of what our protest tried to show, is that it will only be students and faculty and staff and community members who will mobilize the university to do better, because I believe that President Eisgruber and — he’s shown, time and time again, and in his response now, that the university is primarily a corporation that responds only to media and kind of a reputational kind of response. So, that’s what he did, I think.

AMY GOODMAN: Aisha Tahir, I want to thank you for being with us, senior at Princeton University, African American studies major, helped organize the protest on the campus Wednesday to support the MOVE community. And congratulations on your upcoming graduation. As we turn now to speak with historian Sam Redman, author of Bone Rooms: From Scientific Racism to Human Prehistory in Museums, in a minute.

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Protestors in 2019 marching against Immigrations and Customs Enforcement. The federal agency frequently uses false information from gang databases to detain and deport immigrants of color. (photo: Nuccio Dinuzzo/Getty)
Protestors in 2019 marching against Immigrations and Customs Enforcement. The federal agency frequently uses false information from gang databases to detain and deport immigrants of color. (photo: Nuccio Dinuzzo/Getty)


How Police "Gang Databases" Are Being Used to Wage War on Immigrants
Maurizio Guerrero, In These Times
Guerrero writes: "Wearing a certain colored hat hardly merits attention from the authorities, but it can be enough to get somebody in the system - and eventually deported."

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Demonstrators take part in a protest against the tax reform of President Ivan Duque's government in Bogota, Colombia, April 28, 2021. (photo: Luisa Gonzalez/Reuters)
Demonstrators take part in a protest against the tax reform of President Ivan Duque's government in Bogota, Colombia, April 28, 2021. (photo: Luisa Gonzalez/Reuters)


Thousands of Colombians March to Protest Tax Proposals
Nelson Bocanegra, Reuters
Bocanegra writes: "Thousands of protesters answered calls from Colombia's biggest unions to come out on streets around the country on Wednesday in protest against a controversial tax reform proposal."
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A nesting female returns to the sea after laying her eggs on Jamursba Medi Beach, Indonesia. (photo: Barakhiel Here Nugroho)
A nesting female returns to the sea after laying her eggs on Jamursba Medi Beach, Indonesia. (photo: Barakhiel Here Nugroho)


Time Is Running Out for Embattled Pacific Leatherback Sea Turtles
Marlowe Starling, Mongabay
Starling writes: "Marine biologists warn that the western Pacific leatherback could go extinct without immediate conservation measures and transnational cooperation."

lear-skied, low-wind summer days are rare off the coast of California. But they’re a blessing if you’re a researcher tracking down critically endangered leatherback sea turtles.

Marine ecologists Scott Benson and Karin Forney, with NOAA’s Southwest Fisheries Science Center, spent many of those days tag-teaming a decades-long research effort to collect data on one of the world’s oldest and largest marine reptiles. Forney sits in the clear belly of a NOAA surveying plane, scanning the dark waters like a hawk, notifying the team when she spots a leatherback sea turtle (Dermochelys coriacea). Benson, her husband, is among the scientists on the boat below, prepped at the hull with a large net, anticipating the moment they can heave the prehistoric giant on board.

Then comes the sampling: blood tests, tissue samples, attaching transmitters, recording weight. It’s an hour-long ordeal, Benson says, and “an all-consuming task.” In a month and a half, the team gets maybe five good-weather opportunities to collect data on this massive but little-understood species. And it could be their last chance to save this population.

The western Pacific leatherback sea turtle is at high risk of extinction, according to a study published in Global Ecology and Conservation. The researchers, including lead author Benson and co-author Forney, used roughly three decades of data to assess the population’s status. Combining their observations of foraging turtles in California with data on nesting patterns in Indonesia, the researchers estimate the population has declined at a rate of 5.6% annually, suffering an overall 80% decline from 1990 to 2017.

Both on land and at sea, the turtles face a series of existential threats in the Pacific. The situation is so dire that scientists on both sides of the ocean have dedicated their lives to reeling the distinct populations back from a dangerous tipping point.

The leatherback in the Pacific

The world knew little about Pacific leatherbacks prior to the 1980s, when scientists started collecting more data. Without modern-day technology like satellite transmitters to track turtles’ movements, biologists couldn’t have known that the leatherbacks foraging off the Californian coast were the same as those nesting in the western Pacific.

Today we know that leatherback sea turtles span the globe with seven genetically distinct subpopulations: the eastern and western in the Pacific Ocean, as well as three in the Atlantic Ocean and two in the Indian Ocean. While the IUCN lists the species as a whole as vulnerable, both Pacific subpopulations are considered critically endangered.

“We know what a thriving sea turtle population needs, but the expanse over which this drama is playing out in the Pacific is so huge, it’s hard to understand the whole puzzle and which parts need to be leveraged,” said Kyle Van Houtan, chief scientist of the Monterey Bay Aquarium, who was not involved with the study.

All leatherback sea turtle populations are declining, but those in the Atlantic and Indian Oceans are more robust than the plummeting Pacific populations, Benson said.

Pacific leatherbacks feed in seven known areas of the ocean, stretching from New Zealand to Japan to California. While the eastern subpopulation nests in Mexico and parts of Central America, western Pacific leatherbacks nest primarily in Indonesia, Papua New Guinea and Vanuatu.

The research team recorded an average of 140 individuals in central California’s foraging patch from 1990 to 2003, but that number dropped to an average of 55 by 2017.

Still, the data only account for a fraction of a population that is scattered across the entire Pacific Ocean and migrates at unpredictable time intervals. Benson said the annual decline of nesting females in West Papua, Indonesia, closely mirrors the rate of decline his team calculated in California, providing further evidence that the entire western subpopulation is suffering.

There is no exact count of how many western Pacific leatherback turtles are left. An analysis in 2013 by the IUCN estimated around 1,400 adult turtles survived in the subpopulation. The IUCN also forecasts the population will dip below 1,000 individuals by 2030.

Scientists say a concrete population estimate is difficult given the nature of western Pacific leatherbacks. It is the only subpopulation with a bimodal nesting pattern, meaning some females nest in the summer while others nest in the winter. Compounding the uncertainty, western Pacific leatherbacks only visit foraging and nesting grounds every two to five years.

Western Pacific leatherbacks are attracted to the Monterey ecosystem in California due to the “the immense productivity … because of the upwelling, the deep offshore currents coming up to the surface, causing these cascades of nutrients and life,” Van Houtan said. “That’s why we have these leatherbacks.”

Unlike most reptiles, leatherback turtles can self-regulate their body temperature, allowing them “to go places where no other sea turtles can go,” Van Houtan added. These long-evolved marine reptiles — “living fossils,” as he describes them — date back to the Cretaceous Period, when dinosaurs roamed the Earth. Today, they are the only living species in the Demochelys genus.

Weighing up to 900 kilograms (2,000 pounds) and growing up to 2 meters (7 feet) long, leatherbacks are the largest turtle species on the planet. They are also the most migratory sea turtle, traveling up to 16,000 kilometers (10,000 miles) a year between nesting and feeding sites. These giants can dive more than 1,200 m (4,000 ft) deep — deeper than any other sea turtle — thanks to their soft shells, which won’t crack under pressure.

But even evolution’s long helping hand may not be enough to protect them from humanity’s reach.

Threats at sea and on land

Pacific leatherback turtles face a multitude of perils both at sea and on land. Among them are impoverished villagers who poach eggs or adults for meat, and habitat degradation in the Pacific islands, where coastal development and cyclones have eroded nesting beaches. But the biggest threat, according to scientists, are fishing vessels that accidentally kill turtles as bycatch.

Drift gillnet and longline fisheries — large-scale fishing operations on the open ocean that harvest an abundance of seafood, like swordfish — are notorious for killing sea turtles that get caught in nets and other fishing gear. Worse, scientists say existing bycatch data probably underestimate the true numbers.

“It’s the wild west out on the open ocean,” said George Shillinger, a marine biologist who has studied leatherbacks for three decades and is executive director of Upwell, an NGO dedicated to sea turtle conservation. He added that even if nests are protected, ship strikes and bycatch will continue to decimate the population. And then there’s the further obstacle of subsidized fisheries, expanding fishing fleets and more intense artisanal fishing, he said, noting “we are really challenged to stave off the relentless pressures.”

Across the Pacific, marine scientist Deasy Lontoh champions for leatherback protection in West Papua, Indonesia. She is the research coordinator for the Abun Leatherback Project, which seeks to combat threats that are difficult and costly to mitigate at sea by protecting what’s on shore: nesting females and eggs.

Lontoh co-authored a recent paper outlining threats to the largest remaining nesting population on two beaches in West Papua, known as Jamursba-Medi and Wermon. Lontoh’s team says it hopes to protect at least half of leatherback nests with the help of local communities.

Lontoh is trying to avoid what happened in Malaysia when a nesting population of western Pacific leatherbacks vanished entirely. Egg harvesting was a rampant, and legal, way for locals to make money until the Terengganu Turtle Sanctuary Advisory Council outlawed it in 1988. From the 1950s to 1995, Malaysia went from 10,000 nests annually to a mere handful. No nests have been reported in almost a decade.

But even when people don’t harvest turtle eggs, juvenile survival is naturally a gamble. Scientists estimate that only one in every 1,000 eggs survive to maturity, while females lay around 80 eggs in each nest.

“A lot of hatchlings will die, so we just need to produce high enough numbers … and assume that some of them will become adults in 15 or 20 years,” Lontoh said.

Climate change further mars the leatherbacks’ future. More extreme storms can decimate nesting sites, while rising temperatures can bake eggs to death. Lontoh said that, locally, sands can reach a lethal 33° Celsius (91° Fahrenheit), and temperatures are rising in the area alongside global trends.

Under normal circumstances, leatherbacks would be less fragile, Benson notes. For one, they lay eggs in multiple locations and span much of the world’s oceans. They have also survived several natural climate changes over the past 80 million years. But scientists don’t know how the recent, and rapid, changes in water temperature, ocean currents, and upwelling of nutrients will affect leatherbacks.

“Climate change is thrusting all of those things that they depended on up into the air,” Van Houtan said. “We need to listen to these signals that the ocean is telling us, because the ocean is the driver of life on our planet.”

As the Pacific leatherback population size continues to shrink, climate change and human pressures become a daunting threat to their survival.

“Something more needs to be done,” Shillinger said.

Turtle needs: Regulations and tourism

For a species inhabiting millions of square miles, keeping it out of harm’s way is a monumental task. Scientists have spent the past two decades calling for stricter fishing regulations. But the lack of transnational cooperation and enforcement by governments has been an obstacle to protecting the turtles through policy and regulations.

“One government won’t solve it,” Shillinger said. “Everyone’s got to be involved.”

By the mid-1990s, emerging data revealed high bycatch rates for large marine animals like sea turtles. To mitigate bycatch, the U.S. government created the Pacific Leatherback Conservation Area in 2001: a seasonal protected area off the U.S. West Coast that covers 650,000 square kilometers (250,000 square miles) of ocean and prohibits drift gillnet fishing during the months leatherbacks feast on jellyfish.

Dubbed a “time-area closure,” the new regulation helped reduce leatherback bycatch from an average of about 15 turtles per year to fewer than two a year after 2001, according to NOAA.

Additional regulations have helped save turtles in U.S. waters. For example, California’s commercial fisheries aren’t allowed to use pelagic longlines that can accidentally bait sea turtles. Meanwhile, HawaiÊ»i’s longline fishery comes with 100% observer coverage, meaning there is always someone documenting bycatch. California is also testing newer technology like deep-set buoy gear, which bypasses leatherbacks feeding on jellyfish to hook swordfish at lower depths.

However, none of these rules apply in international waters. For better protections, Benson and Forney say member countries of regional fishery management organizations like the Inter-American Tropical Tuna Commission need to encourage safer fishery practices.

For the leatherback populations to recover, scientists have suggested a 40% bycatch reduction over the next two decades.

It’s an ambitious goal, Shillinger said, adding “what really has to happen is to elevate political will … and make governments accountable for protecting their resources.”

In the meantime, Benson called on people to ask waiters at restaurants how and from where their fish is sourced.

“Please consume U.S.-caught swordfish or tuna, because it comes with a side dish of Endangered Species Act rather than a side dish of dead turtle or dead dolphin,” he said.

Leatherback conservation also needs to move forward at nesting sites. The Abun Leatherback Project, which works primarily in remote and impoverished villages in West Papua, attempts to protect western Pacific leatherbacks by employing the help of locals. A team of 10 monitors patrols the beaches while others help measure leatherbacks, release hatchlings or create shades made from palm fronds to keep nests cool.

Conservation success is contingent upon local people, Lontoh said: if they don’t care about leatherbacks, they won’t try to save them.

“[Locals] have strategic roles,” Lontoh said. “In the future, they’re probably the ones who will [either] help take care of the leatherbacks or help them go extinct.”

But that requires incentives and income. Lontoh said the local government set forth an agenda in 2019 to develop the nearby area for tourism. In rural areas with limited resources, women have prepared to make souvenirs, such as the traditional noken woven bags, to sell to tourists.

“To get [rural people] to see that the leatherbacks are worth protecting, they need to feel benefits from conservation,” Lontoh said.

Tourism has funded conservation efforts in other areas of the world already, Shillinger said.

“Leatherbacks bring in a lot of ecotourism projects around the world,” he said. “Turtles are really charismatic, benign, attractive animals, and no one wants to see them harmed. So culturally, economically and socially, turtles play an important role.”

An ocean without leatherbacks

The question remains: What if western Pacific leatherbacks do go extinct? Scientists warn it could happen in a matter of decades without immediate action.

“In the West Pacific, there’s a little bit of a window left, but it’s not much,” Benson said. “It’s definitely 11:55 on its way to midnight.”

Losing leatherbacks could throw the entire ecosystem off-balance. Leatherbacks, with their ferocious appetites (eating up 40% of their body weight daily), gobble down huge amounts of jellyfish that in turn devour fish larvae and plankton. By eating these bountiful yet low-nutrition “jellies,” the turtles help keep jellyfish numbers under control. In recent years, however, Benson said he’s noticed an increase of brown sea nettle (Chrysaora fuscescens), one of the leatherbacks’ favorite jellies, in California’s waters.

“Over time, this might be an illustration that the number of leatherbacks is so reduced now that they can’t serve part of their ecological roles,” Lontoh said.

Because jellyfish eat fish larvae, more jellyfish may mean less fish overall, likely impacting small-scale artisanal fisheries and rural Pacific islanders who depend on fish for food or income. Fish provide about 3.3 billion people worldwide with nearly 20% of their animal protein, according to the most recent Fishery and Aquaculture Statistics report from the Food and Agriculture Organization of the U.N.

A world without leatherbacks “would still function,” Shillinger said, “but there would be some big shifts that we still don’t understand.”

As the forces of climate change are amplified — cyclones that wash away nests, sand temperatures so hot that hatchlings bake to death, a rapidly changing California Current — a conservation biologist’s job becomes no easier.

“This is kind of a higher calling,” Benson said. “This is a species threatened with extinction, a lot of people don’t know about it, so it’s my job to provide some data to increase the opportunities for recovery of the population.”

Ironically, Shillinger said, many Californians are unaware that their state marine reptile is the Pacific leatherback.

“Losing a species is a tragedy, something that humanity should really be concerned about,” Shillinger said. “As the turtles go, so too does everything else — including ourselves.”

This article was originally published on Mongabay.

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Heather Cox Richardson: RUDY GIULIANI, UKRAINE, DISINFORMATION


April 30, 2021 (Friday)
In a hearing today before a subcommittee of the House Armed Services Committee charged with investigating technology and information warfare, cyber policy and national security expert Dr. Herb Lin of the Hoover Institution told lawmakers that in the modern era we are not formally at war, but we are not at peace either:
“Information warfare threat to the United States is different from past threats, and it has the potential to destroy reason and reality as a basis for societal discourse, replacing them with rage and fantasy. Perpetual civil war, political extremism, waged in the information sphere and egged on by our adversaries is every bit as much of an existential threat to American civilization and democracy as any military threat imaginable.”
His warning comes two days after the power of warfare waged with disinformation once again became a top story in the U.S. On Wednesday, federal officials executed a search warrant on the home and office of Trump’s former lawyer Rudy Giuliani. To conduct such a search, investigators had to convince a judge that they had good reason to think a crime had been committed.
Investigators appear to be focusing on Giuliani’s successful attempt to get the American ambassador to Ukraine, Marie Yovanovitch, recalled on April 24, 2019. Yovanovitch was one of our very top diplomats. She stood firmly against corruption in Ukraine, earning the fury of oligarchs connected to Russia, especially Ukraine president Petro Poroshenko; the country’s prosecutor general, Yuriy Lutsenko; and the country’s former prosecutor general, Viktor Shokin, who was fired for corruption. They wanted her gone.
On the surface, the case is about whether or not Giuliani was working for Ukrainian oligarchs as well as Trump when he undermined Yovanovitch. But it is really a story about disinformation. Giuliani wanted Yovanovitch out of the way because she refused to enable his attempt to manufacture dirt on the son of then-candidate Joe Biden, an effort designed to make it possible for Trump to win reelection.
A quick recap of the Yovanovitch part of the story: In late 2018, Ukraine-born American businessman Lev Parnas introduced Giuliani to Shokin, who was willing to say that he was fired because he was looking into Burisma, a company on whose board Hunter Biden sat (this was false). In December, Parnas and his partner Igor Fruman attended the annual White House Hanukkah party. Parnas later told people they had a private meeting with Trump and Giuliani, who gave them “a secret mission” to pressure the Ukrainian government to announce an investigation into the Bidens.
In January 2019, Giuliani tried to get a visa for Shokin to come to the U.S., but Yovanovitch denied it. So Giuliani, Parnas, and Fruman interviewed Shokin and Lutsenko where they were.
For the next three months, Lutsenko and Giuliani sparred over the announcement of an investigation into the Bidens, apparently in exchange for the removal of Yovanovitch. Meanwhile, in the U.S., journalist John Solomon, who was in contact with Lutsenko, wrote articles for The Hill attacking both the Bidens and Yovanovitch, and claiming that it was Ukraine, not Russia, that interfered in the 2016 election.
And then on April 21, Porosheko lost a presidential election to Volodymyr Zelensky.
On April 23, Giuliani announced on Twitter that Ukraine was investigating Hillary Clinton’s campaign and the DNC for conspiring with “Ukrainians and others to affect 2016 election.” And the next day, Yovanovitch was recalled.
The rest is history (sorry!): in the infamous phone call of July 25, 2019, Trump asked Zelensky to announce an investigation into the Bidens before the U.S. would release congressional appropriations to enable Ukraine to fight Russian incursions, a whistleblower complained, the Department of Justice tried to hide the complaint, and the Trump presidency began to unravel.
As the Ukraine scandal worked its way toward the president’s impeachment, Giuliani did not let up on his insistence that Ukraine, not Russia, had tried to undermine the 2016 election, and he continued to push that lie. By late 2019, the FBI warned Giuliani that Russian intelligence was targeting him to circulate lies about Biden. (It also warned One America News.) According to former FBI Special Agent and lawyer Asha Rangappa, officials likely did so both as a warning and to see if he would break away from the disinformation. He did not.
What is at stake in the recent story of the federal investigation of Giuliani is the role of disinformation in our politics. Crucially, Giuliani and Trump did not want an actual investigation of the Bidens: they just wanted an announcement of an investigation. An announcement would be enough for the media to pick up the story, and the fact it was made up out of whole cloth wouldn’t matter. People would believe there was something fishy with the man whom Trump feared (rightly, as it turned out) as his chief rival for the presidency, and his candidacy would be hobbled.
It doesn’t matter, Dr. Lin pointed out to the subcommittee today, whether foreign actors are working in concert or in parallel with American actors when they spread disinformation: the destabilizing effect is the same.










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RSN: FOCUS: Jon Lee Anderson | Cuba After the Castros

 

 

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FOCUS: Jon Lee Anderson | Cuba After the Castros
Fidel Castro with his brother Raúl, whose retirement marks the end of an era and has elicited polarized reactions in Cuba. (photo: Tomas Garcia/AP)
Jon Lee Anderson, The New Yorker
Excerpt: "Sixty years after the Bay of Pigs, the Castro brothers are gone from the main stage, and Cuba is a threadbare place facing an uncertain future."

ince 1975, Cuba’s ruling Communist Party has periodically convened a congress at which, in keeping with the arcane rituals of socialist states during the Soviet era, the Party makes public official policy guidelines. This year, the eighth congress ended after a four-day session that was arguably its most momentous: it coincided not only with the sixtieth anniversary of the 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion, which led to the breakdown in relations with the United States and helped to precipitate the Cuban Missile Crisis a year later, but also with a historic curtain call for the Castro era.

At the opening session, on April 16th, Raúl Castro, the younger brother of the late Cuban jefe máximo, Fidel Castro, confirmed his plans, as he had promised he would, to step down as the First Secretary of the Communist Party. This was the last senior post he held, since he vacated the Presidency, in 2018, to make way for his handpicked Party loyalist, Miguel Díaz-Canel, who now also succeeds him as First Secretary. Raúl, who will turn ninety in June, has held the position for ten years, just as he held the Presidency for two five-year terms, after succeeding his ailing brother, in 2008. (Raúl had, in fact, served as Cuba’s de-facto leader for the previous two years, after Fidel nearly died from a bout of diverticulitis.)

Fidel had been Cuba’s undisputed strongman since January, 1959, when the Castros, their Argentine friend Ernesto (Che) Guevara, and several hundred guerrilla comrades overthrew the regime of a gangsterish dictator, Fulgencio Batista, and seized power. For most of the subsequent decades, Raúl served as his brother’s defense minister, and remained in the shadows. Now, he returns to them. It is believed that Raúl intends to retire to Santiago, Cuba’s second city, which is at the opposite end of the seven-hundred-and-forty-mile-long island from Havana, and near where he and Fidel grew up. He has already prepared his final resting place, a mausoleum alongside his former guerrilla comrades in the Sierra Maestra, at the site of their old base camp. (Fidel’s ashes are interred in a Santiago cemetery, next to the mausoleum of the nineteenth-century independence hero José Martí.)

Ushered in by Fidel’s defiant proclamation of “the socialist nature of the Cuban Revolution” exactly sixty years ago, just as the C.I.A.-backed Bay of Pigs invasion got underway, Cuba’s radical transformation made the country a dynamic player in the Cold War. Cuba sponsored covert guerrilla missions to dozens of countries in Latin America and Africa, and dispatched troops to fight in wars in Angola, Mozambique, Ethiopia, and elsewhere. For the past thirty years, however, since the implosion of the Soviet Union and the disappearance of most of the world’s other Communist states, the narrative has changed, and Cuba’s story has been mostly one of pluck and survival, while the rest of the world has changed around it, not necessarily for the better.

That, at least officially, is how the Communist Party wants Cuba to be seen today. The slogan of the congress at which Raúl bade farewell was Somos continuidad—We are continuity. And indeed, there is much that is unchanging in Cuba. It remains a single-party socialist state that exists in eternal counter-position to the United States, the capitalist superpower—or “the Empire,” as it is known to Cuba’s Communists—just ninety miles away, across the mouth of the Gulf of Mexico. In his speech, while lambasting the United States for its long-standing trade embargo, which Donald Trump extended with more than two hundred measures, Raúl called for “a respectful dialogue to build a new relationship with the United States, but without renouncing the principles of the Revolution, or of socialism.”

The formal end of the Castro era has elicited polarized reactions among Cubans, with Party loyalists expressing unquestioning faith in the system, and disbelievers signalling cynicism about the future. Requesting anonymity for fear of official retaliation, a Cuban friend told me that the revolutionary government is “just a big theatre piece that made its début sixty years ago and continues today. They’re not going to change anything and will do whatever they want as long as they can maintain control of things. There’s a lot of need on the street, and discontent too, but people won’t be able to do anything about it, because, if they try, they’ll just send in more police to keep a lid on things.”

The “discontent” he referred to is the San Isidro Movement, a loose alliance of dissident rappers, artists, journalists, and academics who, assisted in recent years by access to the Internet, have become increasingly active, staging protests in public and on social media. Last November, after one of them was arrested, the movement organized a sit-in and hunger strike in Havana, which was broken up by the police after ten days, and was followed by an unprecedented street protest of hundreds of people outside the ministry of culture. Both actions garnered widespread media attention, and the government has responded with police harassment of activists, occasional arrests, and a vituperous trolling campaign by commentators on state media.

When I asked Carla Gloria Colomé, a thirty-year-old independent journalist, whether she felt that the San Isidro Movement was the seed of a new restlessness, she said, “When its activists carried out their hunger strike, many of us observers thought that their headquarters had been turned into a free and democratic experiment—democratic space. I believe it has given back to us something we Cubans had lost: our civicism. We had forgotten that we had the right to protest and had the right to demand freedoms. If Díaz-Canel’s slogan is Somos continuidad, the movement’s is Estamos conectados: We are connected. It has also allowed us to imagine another thing we had forgotten—that we have a country and that it is possible to recover it.”

Another friend, the novelist Wendy Guerra, expressed blunt skepticism about the significance of Castro’s departure from power. In a Whatsapp message, she wrote, “I don’t think Raúl has really packed his bags. After living in Cuba for forty-nine years, this narrative seems familiar to me, one in which there is always an attic, a second floor, or a basement, where the government decisions are concealed. Raúl is like the abusive husband who has nowhere else to go, nor wants to go. He has separated but hasn’t left home.”

Indeed, at the end of the Party congress, Díaz-Canel promised to “consult with Raúl Castro on strategic decisions about the future of the nation.” The lack of clear signposts to Cuba’s future intrigues Ada Ferrer, a Cuban-American scholar at New York University who is the author of a forthcoming book, “Cuba: An American History,” and a Personal History, “My Brother’s Keeper,” which recently appeared in The New Yorker. “There’s no script for a post-Castro Cuba. Maybe it will end up being anticlimactic, as was Fidel Castro’s departure from power—his death. That seems to be the point of the Somos continuidad, right? But it feels less like a motto than a prayer sometimes. I think the leaders realize that, whatever continuity they seek, in terms of retaining power, everyone is seeking, needing some change.”

What other changes are in the offing? Not many, at least on the surface. At the Party congress, it was announced that, in addition to Raúl Castro, three other members of the seventeen-person Politburo, the governing council of the Communist Party, were leaving—including two other veterans of the Revolution who had fought in the Sierra, José Ramón Machado Ventura, who is ninety, and Ramiro Valdés, who is eighty-eight—and five new members were sworn in. Among them is Luís Alberto Rodríguez López-Calleja, a sixty-year-old general who was once married to Raúl’s daughter, Deborah, and who in recent years has been the influential boss of the anodynely named Grupo de Administración Empresarial S.A., or GAESA, a conglomerate that oversees the island’s many military-owned businesses, which include tourist resorts, hotels, supermarket chains and retail stores, financial-services institutions, gas stations, shipping and construction companies, and ports. Lopez-Calleja’s addition to the Politburo sends an important message that the Communist Party and the military will remain the ultimate stewards of economic affairs, even if, as Díaz-Canel recently promised, there is to be an increase in private-sector opportunities.

The moment is an important crossroads for Cuba, languishing as it is in an economic downturn precipitated by a chronic lack of productivity; fuel shortages caused by the economic collapse of Venezuela, the island’s main benefactor and oil supplier; the Trump Administration decrees, which reduced cash remittances from the United States, banned U.S. cruise ships from Cuban waters, and further restricted travel to Cuba. In both substance and tone, the past four years have seen a sharp souring of the brief honeymoon that accompanied the Obama Administration’s historic overture, announced in December, 2014, after nearly two years of secret negotiations, which restored diplomatic relations between the two countries, and was followed by a surge in American tourism and a sharp increase in foreign investment. That rapprochement came to a halt after Trump’s election, in November, 2016, and Fidel Castro’s death later that month. Within a few weeks, a series of bewildering “sonic attacks” began affecting C.I.A. and State Department personnel stationed at the U.S. Embassy in Havana. The atmosphere of fledgling good will that had characterized the Obama era was replaced under Trump by one of open hostility.

The evidence available suggests that Cuba has weathered the coronavirus pandemic quite well, with an official count of five hundred and ninety-one deaths, in a population of eleven million, but the lockdown measures hit the economy hard. With virtually no outsiders allowed in for most of the past year, the economy shrank a staggering eleven per cent in 2020, while imports dropped by around forty per cent, because the state did not have the money to pay for them. As a result, Cubans are facing scarcities of basic food items, medicines, and household essentials—as they did in the early-to-mid nineties, during the so-called special period that followed the collapse of the Soviet Union—and many people are forced to spend several hours each day seeking the means of daily survival. Earlier this month, in a sign of the times, the government announced key agricultural reforms, overturning decades-old laws that prohibited people from slaughtering their own cattle or selling beef and milk without state permission.

Part of the problem has been the government’s cumbersome two-tier currency system, which was formally ended in January, although the phase out is not yet complete. Under that system, Cubans who are fortunate enough to have access to U.S. dollars, through remittances, for instance, have been able to buy most of what they need—though they, too, have been standing in line for hours, owing to the import shortages—while those who only have Cuban pesos are finding it difficult to purchase adequate food for their families in the mostly empty government-owned stores and undersupplied fixed-price produce markets.

Yet, amid the shortages and general belt-tightening, the biopharmaceutical industry has entered final-phase trials at home and in Iran and Venezuela, with several of its own COVID-19 vaccines. (The vaccines have been given patriotic names, such as Mambisa, for the guerrilla group that fought for independence from Spain in the nineteenth century.) The government has announced hopes to vaccinate more than half the population by August, and to begin exporting vaccines by the end of the year. If the program is successful, and there is every likelihood that it will be, given the government’s continued and significant investment in its health-care system and biotech industry, Cuba will be far ahead of its Latin American neighbors, most of which have negotiated deals with vaccine manufacturers in China and Russia, or have received donations from them and a few other countries. Cuba could become a regional savior and earn some badly needed money from the commercial vaccine market.

Despite widespread pessimism, there are hints that Díaz-Canel will move forward to free up the economy for private-sector entrepreneurs and investors. His government recently legalized a tranche of previously restricted professions for so-called cuentapropistas, people working for themselves, outside of the state sector. One prospective investor, the Cuban-American entrepreneur Hugo Cancio, told me that he believed that long-standing restrictions on investments by Cuban-Americans would soon be lifted. When I asked him why Raúl Castro hadn’t instituted such changes before he left power, he said, “Raúl has been an iconic figure during all these years and, even if he knows the changes need to be done, it’s not for him to execute them. So he is leaving as he came in, as a revolutionary, handing off to a new leadership that is more in tune with the new Cuba reality and a changing world. He’s like the father who says to his son, ‘Kid, you take it from here.’ ”

Beyond the pandemic and the economy, Cuba faces other existential questions, which, as ever, revolve around its relationship with the United States. Despite expectations that a Biden Presidency would reverse many of the Trump-era strictures and return to the détente of the Obama era, the messaging from the White House has been lukewarm. At a press conference on April 16th, the White House press secretary, Jen Psaki, told reporters, “A Cuba policy shift or additional steps is currently not among the President’s top foreign-policy priorities.”

In January, shortly after Biden’s Inauguration, his adviser on the Western Hemisphere for the National Security Council, Juan S. González, forecast the new Administration’s approach. “It’s no longer 2015,” he told me. He indicated that the U.S. would free up remittance levels and reduce travel restrictions for Americans, but that the new Administration was not going to rush into an energy-sucking round of talks aimed at restoring trade and other blandishments for Cuba. “Two things I’m conscious of with this President is time and political capital,” González said. “With the historic burden he and the Vice-President are carrying on their shoulders, the first priority has to be the pandemic, migration, and rebuilding frayed relationships with regional partners.” González also, as other U.S. officials have done, alluded to electoral considerations in Florida, where the Cuban-American voter turnout went hard for Trump, and which remains a source of worry for Democrats.

As something like a new Cold War approaches, this time with China, but accompanied by increasingly hostile chessboard maneuvering from Russia, the U.S. is assessing its options. Countries such as Cuba—and, for that matter, Venezuela and Nicaragua—have entered the realm of the known perturbables: places of concern that need keeping an eye on, but which, amid all the other crises in the world, feel containable. González told me that in the Western Hemisphere the top priorities are Mexico, along with Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala (the Northern Triangle countries of Central America that are the sources of most of the migrants arriving at the southern border), and Brazil, because of the Amazon Basin and the climate crisis, which is a foremost item on Biden’s to-do list.

González noted that the Administration would be taking a diplomatic approach to these issues, including overtures to President Jair Bolsonaro, of Brazil—an extreme anti-environmentalist who has actively incited Amazonian forest destruction by loggers, miners, and ranchers. At last week’s virtual Earth Day summit, Bolsonaro pledged to protect the Amazon, in return for large financial commitments from the U.S. and other wealthy countries. John Kerry, Biden’s climate czar, applauded Bolsonaro’s apparent change of heart, but environmental watchdog groups and indigenous leaders questioned his sincerity and warned the Biden Administration against entering into any deal that would legitimize him.

Recent inroads made by China to the region are also a preoccupation. Earlier this month, González, on his first trip to South America for President Biden, travelled to Argentina, where he discussed China’s COVID diplomacy and, he told me this week, “reports of talks with the Chinese government regarding potential refurbishment of a military base in Ushuaia,” a port city in Patagonia. President Alberto Fernández, González said, told the U.S. envoy “that he would not allow a Chinese military base on Argentine soil.”

Six decades after the missile crisis, then, there are new sources of geostrategic tensions in the hemisphere, and they no longer necessarily involve Cuba. The Castro brothers are gone from the main stage, and the Caribbean island they dominated for so long is a threadbare place, still paying a price for its temerity in standing up to “the Empire.” In the Empire itself, meanwhile, Cuba is mostly forgotten, no longer relevant except in helping determine U.S. elections in Florida. As Joe Garcia, a former Democratic congressman from Florida and a Cuban-American, explained it to me, “In the same way that the assault on the Capitol on January 6th ended the myth of American exceptionalism, what Cuba is slowly coming to terms with is the reality that they are not the center of the universe anymore, as Fidel always told them they were. . . . They’re no longer a country engaged in revolutions and fighting anticolonial wars in Africa. They’re a country that has national challenges that are more pressing than its former aspirations.”

Garcia, like his fellow Cuban-American Hugo Cancio, maintains relationships with some Cuban officials, and occasionally serves as a behind-the-scenes messenger between Havana and Washington. He told me he believes that a dramatic transformation from a stagnant state-run economy to one led increasingly by the private sector—albeit one ultimately under Communist Party control, as in China—is essential. “There is going to be a restructuring,” Garcia said. “I could call it a retreat, and it is, really, from everything they’ve tried to do for sixty years, but the fact is that this is a way forward. The alternative is chaos.” Garcia added, “Raúl is going, and he’s saying: ‘After me this is what we’re doing.’ He’s not saying: ‘After me the flood.’ He’s got to do this. But what he can’t say is, ‘We’ve failed.’ ”

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POLITICO NIGHTLY: College enrollment is down — and dropping

 



 
POLITICO Nightly logo

BY MYAH WARD

With help from Renuka Rayasam

DECISION DAY — Saturday is the last day for many high school seniors to decide where they’ll spend the next four years of their education — many without even stepping foot on a college campus.

National headlines have highlighted acceptance rates going down, but that’s for the Ivy Leagues and top institutions in the U.S., said Angel Pérez, CEO of the National Association for College Admission Counseling. Because many of these schools made standardized tests optional, more students applied, thinking they may have a shot.

Yet the majority of schools are actually still looking for students, Pérez said. Spring undergraduate enrollment is down 5.9 percent compared to this time last year, according to research by the National Student Clearinghouse Research Center — a steeper decline in undergraduate enrollment than occurred in fall 2020. Traditional college students, ages 18 to 20, saw the largest decline: 7.2 percent for the current semester compared to last year.

During summer 2020, pandemic-fueled uncertainty led some students to defer their freshman year. The concern was that these gap-year students would make it more difficult for this class to get accepted. That largely hasn’t been the case.

Pérez’s group releases an annual list of universities and colleges still looking for applicants. This year’s list has over 300 institutions so far, and it’s expected to grow. The group released it early after calls from concerned high school counselors and students.

This trend isn’t solely because of Covid. It’s the first edge of a demographic cliff coming in 2025 and 2026 when the country will have fewer high school students, Pérez said. The decline arrived early this year because high levels of unemployment and underemployment pulled a lot of families out of the college pipeline. “We’re worried about, what will that look like this September?” he said. “And will the students ever come back?”

Students exit the KSU Ice Arena after getting their Covid vaccine at Kent State University in Kent, Ohio.

Students exit the KSU Ice Arena after getting their Covid vaccine at Kent State University in Kent, Ohio. | Getty

The numbers are even more alarming for community colleges, where enrollment nationwide has dropped 11.3 percent since this time last year, according to National Student Clearinghouse. It was down 9.5 percent last fall. The majority of community college students are older adults, and the responsibilities of work, child care and school were too much to handle.

At large public universities like North Carolina State University, the acceptance rate has been relatively stable, said Jon Westover, director of undergraduate admissions at N.C. State. Roughly 100 students deferred last year, and the school expects a class size of 4,800 freshmen in September. It will accept 1,450 transfer students in the fall as well.

Applications from international students, particularly from China and India, were down 20 percent this year, Westover said. Class differences among students were also exacerbated as some families had to make difficult choices about how, or whether, to pay for their child’s education.

On top of everything else, Westover said universities can’t forget about the soon-to-be college sophomores who had their freshman year upended by the pandemic — a year that’s pivotal for retention.

The lingering questions for this fall’s incoming first-year students are overwhelming. Will this year be more normal? Will they be required to get vaccinated before enrolling? How is their mental health? Did their remote high school environment leave them less prepared for college courses? Did they make the right choice without even a campus visit?

Application readers had to go in with a different mindset — not comparing students to those they’d seen in years past. Students have been isolated at home. They missed out on standout opportunities and extracurriculars. Families lost jobs and loved ones.

“This has been the most challenging year in my career,” Westover said. “I started in admissions in 1998, and it just felt like everything was different this year.”

Welcome to POLITICO Nightly. Reach out with news, tips and ideas for us at rrayasam@politico.com and mward@politico.com, or on Twitter at @renurayasam or @myahward.

 

JOIN TUESDAY FOR A CONVERSATION ON SMALL BUSINESSES AFTER COVID-19: About one in six small businesses in the U.S. closed their doors since the pandemic began. The ones that remained open are getting by with fewer employees after laying off workers or a hiring freeze. What is ahead for small businesses in 2021 as they try to weather the ongoing economic uncertainty? And how does President Biden’s $1.9 trillion coronavirus relief package intend to support small-business owners? Join POLITICO for a virtual conversation with White House economic adviser Jared Bernstein and Joyce Beatty, chair of the Congressional Black Caucus, on what small businesses need to survive and thrive beyond the Covid economic crisis. REGISTER HERE.

 
 


WHAT'D I MISS?

— Biden considering mandatory Covid vaccines for all U.S. troops: Biden said he has not ruled out requiring all U.S. troops to get the coronavirus vaccine after the shots win final clearance from federal regulators, but cautioned that such a decision would be a “tough call.”

— Manchin doesn’t support D.C. statehood: Sen. Joe Manchin said today that he did not support the D.C. statehood bill, a blow to advocates pushing to make it the 51st state after the legislation passed the House last week. Manchin was the first Democratic senator to come out against the bill.

— Biden terminating border wall construction: The Department of Defense said today that Biden is canceling construction of the wall along the U.S.-Mexico border.

— Biden to restrict travel from India: Biden is preparing to restrict travel from India beginning next week, as the country grapples with a massive coronavirus outbreak, a White House official confirmed. The decision will not apply to U.S. citizens or humanitarian workers. It will officially take effect on May 4.

— Bustos to retire: Rep. Cheri Bustos, House Democrats’ former campaign chief, announced today she would retire from Congress after this term, in one of the party’s first midterm surprises of the cycle. Bustos represents a district in northwestern Illinois that has shifted to the right since former President Barack Obama won it handily in 2012. Former President Donald Trump narrowly won her district twice.

— Robocall accuses Texas candidate Wright of causing husband’s death: Texas Republican congressional candidate Susan Wright’s campaign reached out to the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Department of Justice today after discovering robocalls alleging that she had “murdered” her husband, the late GOP Rep. Ron Wright. Twenty-three candidates are running in a special election set for Saturday to succeed Wright, who passed away in February after being diagnosed with coronavirus.

PUNCHLINES

WAIT FOR IT — Matt Wuerker dresses up like Alexander Hamilton to take us through the week that marked Biden’s 100th day in office in his Weekend Wrap.

Courtesy of POLITICO

AROUND THE WORLD

EU TAKES SECOND BITE AT APPLE — Less than a year after her court defeat over a €13 billion case against Apple, the EU’s top antitrust enforcer Margrethe Vestager is once again taking aim at the iPhone maker, writes Vincent Manancourt.

This time, Vestager is targeting one of CEO Tim Cook’s crown jewels: Apple’s App Store.

In charges announced today, the Danish politician accused the iPhone maker of abusing a dominant position to distort competition in the music streaming market, handing an early win to the chief complainant in the case, Sweden-based Spotify.

The case marks a return to center stage for Vestager, who has suffered a string of defeats in EU courts on some of her flagship cases against Big Tech, including Apple.

But it’s also set to revive a tense dynamic between the European enforcer and Cook, which exploded into public acrimony in 2016 when she announced her decision against Apple in the tax case.

NIGHTLY NUMBER

101 million

The number of Americans who are fully vaccinated against Covid-19, according to the latest CDC data.

PARTING IMAGE

Biden delivers his first presidential address to a joint session of Congress.

FEELING 100 — Starting on the day Biden took office, photographer Stephen Voss walked the halls and streets of D.C. to capture life in Washington at the start of a new presidential era.

 

DON'T MISS OUT ON OUR NEW PLAYBOOK DEEP DIVE PODCAST: Washington is full of whispers, colorful characters and little-known back stories that even D.C. insiders might not know. Playbook Deep Dive is a new, weekly podcast that pulls back the curtain on the stories behind the power. From Congress and the White House to bar stools and backrooms, POLITICO's top reporters and Playbook authors bring you the most compelling and confounding stories that explain what’s really going on in Washington. SUBSCRIBE NOW.

 
 


PARTING WORDS

ALONE TOGETHER — If you are on Twitter, you probably know Jonny Sun’s presence: missives about his innermost thoughts that somehow capture the mood of the internet. The same is true of his latest book, Goodbye, Again. He says he wrote most of the book in 2018, but it often reads like a prophetic guide to our post-pandemic world. He writes about fearing parties, how we change and trying to keep houseplants alive. There are essays about egg recipes, funeral playlists and a 15-minute countdown to the end of the world.

The themes in the book about trying to find connection while being ultimately lonely run throughout his work, including a PhD in online communities from MIT, a writer for the show “BoJack Horseman” and a TED Talk . Nightly’s Renuka Rayasam tried to peer into Sun’s brain today. This conversation has been edited.

Do you think social media and just the general process of moving our lives online has actually made us more lonely?

I’ve actually found an inverse relationship between technology and loneliness. I’ve always thought communication is communication no matter what the medium is. I’ve been technology agnostic. A lot of my anxiety and depression, my social anxiety specifically, tends to isolate me. But I found that through writing and through sharing both online and also in my work, I’ve been able to connect with people and communicate more clearly and more honestly and definitely more intentionally.

Readers will reach out and say, “I have felt this way my whole life but I never figured how to articulate it.” That sort of energy applies to communicating online.

You’ve got more than half a million Twitter followers (!!). Tell me how I can get good at social media. Are you just a natural or is there a skill to this?

I don’t feel like a natural. I am constantly trying to figure everything out. The answer has kind of shifted throughout time. There are different eras of Twitter. The people who I care about following the most — it’s always been this feeling of genuineness and openness.

It is really hard to be like, “oh I’m gonna bare my heart online and share all this stuff publicly,” but the things that really connect with people are the things that are a little less filtered and branded. The more open and vulnerable and really honest and kind of sad about things that I’ve shared, the more people connect to that. It’s the unspoken thing that everyone’s feeling that no one’s talking about.

Okay now it’s lightning round time. Let’s see how many of these questions you can answer in three minutes.

Courtesy of POLITICO.

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Renuka Rayasam @renurayasam

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Myah Ward @myahward

 

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