Showing posts with label SENATE PARLIAMENTARIAN. Show all posts
Showing posts with label SENATE PARLIAMENTARIAN. Show all posts

Sunday, August 7, 2022

RSN: FOCUS: Democrats Could See a Bruising Clash With Sanders Over Economic Bill

 

 

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07 August 22

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Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) speaks at an Amazon Labor Union rally on April 24, 2022 in New York City.  (photo: David Dee Delgado/Getty Images)
FOCUS: Democrats Could See a Bruising Clash With Sanders Over Economic Bill
Aris Folley, The Hill
Folley writes: "Democrats are bracing for a grueling weekend of vote-a-rama in the hopes of finally passing their long-sought economic bill, known as the Inflation Reduction Act."

Democrats are bracing for a grueling weekend of vote-a-rama in the hopes of finally passing their long-sought economic bill, known as the Inflation Reduction Act.

Republicans have vowed to force a series of tough votes in opposition of the plan. But some of lawmakers’ most painful votes could come from one of the Senate’s foremost progressive crusaders.

Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) says he is planning to put senators on the record with proposed amendments to Democrats’ sprawling tax, health care and climate bill, as the Senate prepares to hunker down for the marathon voting session.

Sanders was key to helping craft Democrats’ earlier Build Back Better Act and has bristled over the scaled-down Inflation Reduction Act. But his chance to force floor votes on key issues important to progressives could lead to headaches for the party.

While Sanders voiced satisfaction with certain parts the narrower plan in floor remarks earlier this week, he also made pointed remarks at the bill, which he said “does virtually nothing to address the enormous crises that working families all across this country are facing today.”

The Vermont senator specifically announced he would be introducing an amendment “to make sure that Medicare pays no more for prescription drugs than the [Veterans Affairs]. He also pushed for measures to provide “comprehensive dental vision and hearing benefits,” in addition to lowering “the Medicare eligibility age to at least 60” and to extend the solvency of Medicare.

“Given that this is the last reconciliation bill that we will be considering this year, it is the only opportunity that we have to do something significant to the American people that requires only 50 votes, and that cannot be filibustered,” he stressed from the floor of the upper chamber.

Sanders told The Hill on Thursday that he is still finalizing his amendments, and is looking at areas like “health care, childcare, and some other issues.”

Senate Majority Leader Charles Schumer (D-N.Y.) announced a deal with Sen. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.) on the bill last week, months after talks around the Build Back Better Act fell apart largely due to opposition from the West Virginia centrist.

Among the measures tucked into the new deal are billion-dollar investments in climate programs, text aimed at reducing prescription drug prices and measures to extend health care subsidies.

The bill also contains tax measures targeting large corporations that Democrats say is intended to bring in revenue to help cut the nation’s deficit, and, in turn, combat inflation. However, there is debate among experts around how much the bill would impact rising costs.

The agreement between Manchin and Schumer was a welcome surprise for Democrats. But many Democrats say they wanted much more.

“It’s not everything we want, but it’s pretty rare that you get everything you want in a single bill,” Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) told reporters on Thursday, while touting the “powerful progressive priorities that we are about to get through Congress.”

The new bill included some provisions Democrats previously sought as part of Build Back Better, but is a fraction of the earlier plan, which initially contained Sanders’s proposal to expand Medicare to cover dental, hearing and vision for recipients, as well as measures seeking for historic investments in housing, child care, education and other party-backed priorities.

“It’s been a long dry spell, and I am enthusiastic about what we are on the verge of getting done,” said Warren, who added she won’t be filing amendments.

Democrats are hoping to pass the plan using a process known as budget reconciliation, which would allow the party to approve the legislation with a simple majority, bypassing the usual 60-vote filibuster.

But to use the procedure, which has strict rules on how it can be deployed, Democrats have a list of obstacles they have to overcome before they can bring the bill to the floor for a vote. That includes what’s known as vote-a-rama — during which senators can offer a series of amendments for a chance to influence legislation before a final vote on the overall bill.

Senators don’t expect the vote-a-rama itself to attract much public attention, but the votes that come out of it can.

Republicans, who are overwhelmingly opposed to the plan, have been sharpening their knives ahead of the event. They plan to bring up a series of hard votes for Democrats that could be used as ammunition as midterm elections approach.

The last time Congress saw a vote-a-rama for a reconciliation bill was last year, when Democrats used budget reconciliation to pass the American Rescue Plan, a sweeping coronavirus relief bill.

At the time, Sanders introduced an amendment to raise minimum wage to $15 per hour. But the amendment was expected to fail after the Senate parliamentarian, who decides what legislation complies with reconciliation rules, found the wage increase in violation.

Sanders had urged for the parliamentarian to be overruled. However, the amendment failed to pass after eight Democrats joined Republicans in voting down the proposal.

Some Democrats say they could support Sanders’s new proposals, but they might not survive if they endanger the larger bill’s chances of passage, as Manchin and Sen. Kyrsten Sinema (D-Ariz.) have drawn bold red lines around certain measures.

“I obviously will very likely agree with Senator Sanders’s bills, but we can’t do anything to endanger this base bill,” Sen. Cory Booker (D-N.J.) told The Hill on Thursday when pressed about Sanders’s comments. “And we’ve got to be very alert on that, because we’ve heard very clearly that a lot of our Democratic partners are not willing to support that.”

“The outcome I’d like is for us to vote on the bill and get on with it really,” Sen. Mazie Hirono (D-Hawaii) told The Hill. “So, as much as I like Bernie and all that, I don’t know what his amendment is. It depends on what it is, I might vote for it.”

Sen. Ben Cardin (D-Md.) also acknowledged the razor-thin majority Democrats has to work with in the Senate to pass the bill, while urging for the party to remain unified as they close in on the finishing line.

“I think we recognize at the end of the day; we need 50 votes to pass this bill, and we’ll have a strategy for that to be effective,” Cardin told The Hill. “So, we recognize we may have some challenges with amendments, but at the end of the day, we all have to come together.”



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Saturday, August 6, 2022

RSN: FOCUS: Senate Parliamentarian Kills Lower Drug Prices for 180 Million Americans

 


 

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06 August 22

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IMGCAPONE
FOCUS: Senate Parliamentarian Kills Lower Drug Prices for 180 Million Americans
Alice Miranda Ollstein, POLITICO
Excerpt: "Democrats' plan to control drug prices for 180 million Americans with private health insurance has suffered yet another setback."

Democrats' plan to control drug prices for 180 million Americans with private health insurance has suffered yet another setback.

The Senate parliamentarian ruled Saturday that a core piece of the party’s plan can’t pass the chamber with fewer than 60 votes, following arguments from both parties last week.

Albeit a blow to the majority party, which had hoped to campaign this fall on lowering drug prices for all Americans, the nonpartisan parliamentarian’s vetting means the core of the plan Democrats are trying to steer past the GOP filibuster is finally cleared for floor debate, more than a year after they began crafting the far more sweeping version once called Build Back Better.

Yet the plan will now move forward without a provision that would have penalized drugmakers for hiking costs faster than inflation in private insurance plans as well as Medicare.

The exclusion of the private insurance price limits means there is little left that will reduce costs for the vast majority of Americans who receive health insurance through their private sector employer. Democrats are still waiting on a separate parliamentarian ruling on their policy to cap the cost of insulin both inside and outside of Medicare.

The decision also means tens of billions less in federal savings in the bill overall, a potential threat to Democrats' hopes of offsetting the cost for shoring up Obamacare's subsidies.

Still, Democrats argue that the bill will move forward in the coming weeks with its most important provision intact: a repeal of the longstanding ban on the federal government directly negotiating drug prices with pharmaceutical companies.

Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer called the parliamentarian's ruling "good news" in a statement Saturday.

"Medicare will finally be allowed to negotiate prescription drug prices, seniors will have free vaccines and their costs capped, and much more," he said.

Rep. Peter Welch (D-Vt.), a key negotiator on the House version of the bill, said the provision "would break the iron curtain Big Pharma has maintained against negotiating drug prices, and that’s game-changing. If it passes, Pharma won’t be able to continually stick it to the consumer at their will and whim. And that’s especially important with inflation hammering folks at the pump and the grocery store."

But Welch, who is running to replace the retiring Sen. Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.), acknowledged the parliamentarian's ruling is still a big win for the drug industry.

"It would essentially mean that pharma companies could raise price increases well beyond inflation," he said in an interview in the days leading up to the vote.

Drug companies and Senate Republicans had planned for months to target the inflation caps provision — through a process known on Capitol Hill as a “Byrd bath.” Sen. Mike Crapo (R-Idaho), the top Republican on the Senate Finance Committee, told reporters that they went through the bill “line by line” in an effort to bring every challenge they could find.

Democrats who have pushed the policy for years had been confident it could pass under the Senate’s strict reconciliation rules, which limit what kinds of bills can pass with a simple majority. Only proposals that are primarily related to federal spending or revenue can fly, but not those that make major policy changes and only have an “incidental” impact on the federal budget.

Democrats argued that the bill needs inflation caps for drug prices across the board in order to function, warning that failing to do so will mean that pharmaceutical companies can hike prices even higher for people with private insurance to make up for what they lose from the cost controls the bill still imposes on Medicare.

Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) said such points are "normally the kind of argument that is persuasive with the parliamentarian."

"You can’t untangle the private sector from the public sector — one doesn’t work without the other," he said.

Backers of the provision also pointed to the Congressional Budget Office's finding last year that the inflation caps provision would save the government around $80 billion over a decade to argue that it should be allowed to remain in the bill.

Yet reconciliation experts and industry insiders were equally certain that the provision would get knocked out of the package.

“A lot of people think that if something gets a significant CBO score, it can’t be considered incidental — but it’s more about whether the policy implications outweigh the budgetary ones,” said Stephen Northrup, a lobbyist who previously worked as the health policy director for the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor & Pensions. “If the inflation cap were limited to Medicare, you could draw a very direct relationship between the policy and the score. But when you extend it to the commercial market, the relationship becomes more tenuous. It looks less like you’re trying to save money than you’re trying to extend a policy that has impact beyond the federal budget.”

Democrats do not currently have a backup plan for the policy, though some advocates are now pushing to try to apply inflation caps to other federal insurance programs such as Medicaid and the insurance for federal employees.

Even if they are able to do so, progressives who originally pushed for much more sweeping drug price controls are disappointed that their already watered-down plan has become even weaker over the past year.

Senate Finance Chair Ron Wyden (D-Ore.), who worked for months on crafting the drug pricing language and wrangling the votes to pass it, blamed the pharmaceutical industry's influence on Capitol Hill for the inflation cap provision's demise.

“The special interests always work against us getting relief to hard-hit Americans, particularly seniors," he told POLITICO ahead of the parliamentarian’s ruling. "So what a surprise that the special interests — and you’ve seen the numbers on how many lobbyists they have — are trying to protect their profits.”


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