Ticks hate the smell of lemon, orange, cinnamon, lavender, peppermint, and rose geranium,cedarwood thyme,so they'll avoid latching on to anything that smells of those items. Any of these or a combination can be used in DIY sprays or added to almond oil and rubbed on exposed.
1 oz Any carrier oil such as Witch Hazel, almond oil or lotion.
7 drops Geranium.
4 drops Peppermint.
4 drops Thyme.
4 drops Cedarwood or Lavender.
Eucalyptus Oil. Not only is eucalyptus oil a tick killer, but it also makes for an effective repellent as well, and it's naturally safe and effective on the body. Mix with carrier oil. NOTE: Eucalyptus is toxic for dogs and cats.
Use caution when using any essential oil around pets.
Pets, A homemade spray solution of one part vinegar and one part water helps keep ticks and fleas away from your pets. Pour the solution in a spray bottle and spray directly onto your pets, but be careful not to get it in their eyes.
Michael Popok of Legal AF reports on breaking developments in the fast moving jack smith mar a Lago criminal investigation of Trump, including new testimony and cooperation by an unnamed Mar a Lago maintenance worker who with photos and new facts shows that Trump orchestrated a scheme to hide classified documents from the FBI and DOJ.
While we wait to learn more about a possible budget deal under which Republicans would agree to raise the debt ceiling before June 5, the date Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen says will see the U.S. run out of funds, there is an interesting story coming out of Texas that might well shed light on the current dynamics in the Republican Party.
On Wednesday, witnesses testified before the Republican-led Texas House General Investigating Committee about how the state’s attorney general, Ken Paxton, has committed crimes in office, including trying to hide an affair, using his office to help a donor, building a culture of fear in his office, using his power to retaliate against opponents, misusing official information, and abusing his office. As attorney general, Paxton is in charge of overseeing the enforcement of the law in the state.
On Thursday the committee voted unanimously to recommend that Paxton be impeached and removed from office, citing 20 counts, including bribery and retaliating against whistleblowers, for his impeachment.
Paxton is not unused to trouble. He has been under a felony indictment for securities fraud since 2015, successfully holding off the charges through repeated delays. In 2020, eight of his top advisors accused him of abusing his office to help a wealthy donor, Nate Paul, resist an FBI investigation. But he has maintained his popularity with Republican voters in Texas by standing as a fervent Trump supporter and attacking the Biden administration, and party leaders would not turn on him.
That formula appears to be less potent than it used to be. It turns out that the House committee began investigating Paxton in March, after he tried to get $3.3 million of taxpayer money to settle a lawsuit with four whistleblowers who said he retaliated against them after they tried to expose his unsavory relationship with Paul.
Apparently aware of what was about to drop, Paxton on Tuesday accused House speaker Dade Phelan, a Republican, of being drunk at a public hearing and said he should resign. Once news of the committee vote dropped, Paxton on Friday attacked the “illegal impeachment scheme” and asked supporters to descend on the Texas Capitol for the impeachment vote. Paxton accused those calling for his impeachment of helping President Biden.
“The House is poised to do exactly what Joe Biden has been hoping to accomplish since his first day in office: sabotage our work, my work, as attorney general of Texas,” Paxton said. He refused to take questions. Right-wing figures, including the head of the Texas Republican Party and key Trump advisors—but not Trump himself—have declared their support for him. Texas governor Greg Abbott has stayed silent.
The full House will take up the question of Paxton’s impeachment tomorrow, with both Paxton’s supporters and Democratic supporters coming for the event.
Patrick Svitek of the Texas Tribune noted today that the impeachment effort has set off “a political earthquake in Texas.” “Republicans have chosen to remain largely silent
during years of alleged misconduct and lawbreaking by the attorney general. Now they will have to take a public stand,” he wrote. Local observers recognize the battle as one between far-right extremists, represented by Paxton, and Republicans who are trying to recover the party from the Trump wing.
There is likely a political calculation behind this move. Texas is a crucially important state for 2024, and voters are angry at the apparent corruption of prominent Republican figures like Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas. Some leaders are likely eager to cut loose some big fish to reassure voters that they are not, in fact, the party of corruption. But in states that are currently dominated by Republicans so thoroughly that they are essentially one-party states, there are indeed systemic corruption problems because there is not the oversight that a healthy opposition party brings.
Both Paxton’s actions and his attempt to dismiss his Republican accusers as working for Biden appear to be a classic example of the behavior of political leaders in a one-party state. He has allegedly used his office to reward friends, retaliate against enemies, and avoid accountability for apparent lawbreaking. This pattern is common in authoritarian governmental systems; it was also common in the American South from about 1874 to 1965, when the Voting Rights Act that protected Black voting finally broke the one-party region dominated by white men.
Tomorrow, as Republican leaders in Texas look toward the 2024 election, they are going to have to decide whether to back an apparently corrupt attorney general who is popular with the Republican base or appeal to Republicans turned off by how extreme the party has become and get rid of him.
It will take a majority of the 149-member House to send the articles of impeachment to the Texas Senate for a trial. All 64 House Democrats will likely vote for impeachment. It is not clear what the Republicans will do.
I’ve changed my mind. With a heavy heart, I am announcing that I will not seek or accept the Democratic Party’s nomination for president in 2024.
The poll numbers indicate that I would be a burden on the party’s national ticket next year and would also have problematic effects on many down-ballot races. It’s time to face grim political realities -- however unfortunate they may be.
While I appreciate the loyalty of so many Democrats in Congress who would like to run for the 2024 presidential nomination but would not consider running against me, I now realize that my insistence on seeking re-election has had important negative effects. And the longer I delay in announcing a change of course, the less time they’ll have to build their own national campaigns.
The specter of a second Donald Trump presidency is just too cataclysmic to allow any personal political ambition on my part to serve as an enabler to that fascistic demagogue.
I must acknowledge the fact that my capacities to defeat Trump are greatly diminished -- perhaps first and foremost because, seeking re-election, I would be representing a status quo that so many Americans are now telling pollsters they believe is on the wrong track. I have come to question the claims of my friends and boosters that I’m best positioned to defeat Trump in 2024 because I did so in 2020. To be frank, that’s malarky.
I won in 2020 largely due to big turnouts from African Americans and young people, voting for me in lopsided numbers. But, sadly, since then my support among black voters has dropped, and more than 90 percent of young Democrats told pollsters last summer that they wanted a Democratic nominee other than me.
In recent months, three of my administration’s decisions -- for oil drilling in the Arctic, a hefty boost for liquified natural gas exports, and extensive oil leasing in the Gulf of Mexico -- have further eroded my standing among environmentally minded voters and young voters in particular. I’ve been told that these decisions have disappointed many Democratic activists and seemed to show a cavalier attitude toward the climate crisis that I have repeatedly labeled as “existential.”
I now believe that an open contested primary is the best path forward for Democrats as we look toward the 2024 election. I will no longer stand in the way -- which should encourage Democratic aspirants to step forward and help assure a truly open presidential primary process. Such a process of debate, and then party unity, helped us to defeat Trump in 2020. Such a process can and should do the same in 2024.
I am known for being verbose to the point of becoming stumbly and sometimes even unfathomable, so I’ll leave it there. More than a year and a half remains in my presidential term. During that time, I will concentrate on doing the best job as president that I can.
It has been reported by many journalists that I am a great believer in fate. I will not deny it. But I have come to realize that fate should not be understood as fatalism or passivity. The Democratic Party will be running against an extreme MAGA Republican Party next year. It is time to discard illusions and get on with that monumental task.
Norman Solomon is the national director of RootsAction.org and the executive director of the Institute for Public Accuracy. He is the author of a dozen books including War Made Easy. His next book, War Made Invisible: How America Hides the Human Toll of Its Military Machine, will be published in June 2023 by The New Press.
Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.
The U.S. Capitol on Monday evening as negotiators for President Joe Biden and Speaker Kevin McCarthy met on the impasse over the government's debt ceiling. | J. Scott Applewhite/AP Photo
DOOMSDAY DEVICE — The signs on Capitol Hill suggest we might complete the Hail Mary pass , sink the three pointer at the buzzer — pick your favorite sports cliche — and avoid a catastrophic default with a last-minute deal to lift the debt limit. Because we usually do.
But let’s get one thing clear: No one is winning this game.
The result, assuming negotiators hammer out an agreement by early next week, will be nothing but a desultory tie, leaving the U.S. economy and everyone’s mental health unnecessarily dented.
The only true answer to what has become a regular game of chicken with the global economy — between politicians who mostly don’t understand the global economy — is to abolish the debt limit in its current form. Kill it. Soak it in gasoline and toss in a match. Consign the debt limit to the hottest corner of hell.
Because the debt limit, born of a World War I desire to not require a congressional vote every time Treasury needed to issue debt, has far outlived its usefulness. In the modern era, it has become a partisan weapon of mass destruction.
The limit, which has absolutely nothing to do with controlling spending but only allows Treasury to issue debt to cover money already spent by Congress, became fully weaponized following the Tea Party movement that drove the GOP into Hill control in the second half of President Barack Obama’s first term.
Prior to that, it had been mostly (though not universally) a snoozer of a vote, lifted scores of times with little ruckus, to do things like cover the costs of World War II.
In 1979, Congress passed a bill called “The Gephardt Rule,” after then-Rep. Richard Gephardt who introduced it. That measure automatically lifted the debt limit to cover any spending already approved by the legislature. And the ensuing Era of Good Feelings saw 15 hikes with limited drama. The rule was repealed in 2011.
Thus began a series of debt limit fights between Obama and congressional Republicans, including one in August 2011 that sparked the first credit downgrade in U.S. history. That drama rocked markets, slowed the economy and led to an austerity spending program that arguably suppressed growth for years.
And it led directly to the “Fiscal Cliff” drama of late 2012 that required a New Year’s Day 2013 vote in Congress to avoid a giant fiscal constriction in the form of lower spending and higher taxes.
During the Trump years, Republicans mostly rolled over for debt limit increases in part to cover deficits increased by Trump’s corporate and individual tax cuts. Which brings us to our current moment, where the GOP is once again wielding the limit as a cudgel to extact spending cuts and more stringent social program requirements out of the Biden White House to avoid default.
Thankfully, economic damage has been limited thus far to some down days in the stock market and increased costs for insuring against any default on U.S. debt. Failure to make a deal and an actual default could lead to a collapse in global financial markets — which are underpinned by Treasury bonds — and would almost certainly tilt a still inflation-plagued U.S. economy into recession. And all for no good reason.
“This is the fourth debt ceiling debacle in the past twelve years. Each one inches the nation closer to default and economic chaos,” Joe Brusuelas, chief economist at consulting firm RSM US, said in an email to Nightly. “It is past time to put this archaic and barbarous relic of the past to sleep. Permanently.”
None of this suggests the U.S. is on a sustainable spending path or that long term debt isn’t a problem.
It’s certainly not one at the moment , given continuing strong demand for U.S. debt and the size and power of the nation’s economy. But it’s the responsibility of Congress and the White House to agree on any long term changes to entitlements or other spending that reduce the size of the debt as a share of the nation’s economy. And to do it without the gun-to-the-head debt limit.
This, as it happens, is my final time writing for you in POLITICO Nightly (and I’ve enjoyed every moment we’ve spent together).
So let me go out with something I consider an absolutely non-partisan, common sense suggestion that would bring an end to this oft-repeated kabuki dance of economic insanity: Crumple up the debt limit, stuff it in the garbage and govern like grown ups.
Welcome to POLITICO Nightly. Reach out with news, tips and ideas at nightly@politico.com . Or contact tonight’s author on Twitter at @EconomyBen . Ben is finishing up a great run at POLITICO, including writing some of our favorite Nightly pieces. Good luck to him in his future endeavors! Nightly won’t publish on Monday, May 29. We’ll be back in your inbox on Tuesday, May 30.
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WHAT'D I MISS?
— Biden administration indicates they won’t invoke 14th Amendment: President Joe Biden will not invoke the 14th Amendment in the debt ceiling fight , Deputy Treasury Secretary Wally Adeyemo said. “I think the president and secretary are clear that that will not solve our problems now. So, yes, that is a no,” Adeyemo said on CNN this morning when asked about the issue. White House officials have said they don’t see the 14th Amendment — which says the “validity of the public debt” cannot be questioned — as a viable means of circumventing debt ceiling negotiations. Biden himself has said that he sees a bipartisan deal as the only option to the current standoff, casting doubt on the 14th Amendment as workable in public remarks.
— House Dems in No Labels-allied caucus are livid with No Labels: A group of House Democrats with ties to No Labels is turning on the centrist group after it attacked one of their founding members . On Tuesday, No Labels texted people who live in the district of Rep. Brad Schneider (D-Ill.), criticizing the congressman for scoffing at their idea for a unity presidential ticket and claiming it could result in Donald Trump’s return to the presidency. The missive did not go over well with Schneider, who is a member of the Problem Solvers Caucus that No Labels helped start on the Hill. “No Labels’ attacks are the kind of division the country needs less of right now, and it’s a betrayal of every moderate and every problem solver in Congress,” Schneider said in a statement to POLITICO.
— Doug Mastriano won’t run for Senate in Pennsylvania ‘at this time’: MAGA firebrand Doug Mastriano said on Thursday evening that he is not running for Senate in Pennsylvania in 2024 . “At this time, we have decided not to run for the U.S. Senate,” he said, “but to continue to serve in Harrisburg.” Mastriano promised to support whoever emerges as the Republican nominee in the Senate contest. But he has signaled that he will continue to be a thorn in the side of GOP officials. During his announcement Thursday, which took place on Facebook Live, he complained for several minutes about the Republican establishment abandoning him during the gubernatorial election last year.
NIGHTLY ROAD TO 2024
A PIVOTAL WEEK — Will this go down as the week that the grand plan to deny Donald Trump the nomination fell apart ? For months, reports POLITICO’s Jonathan Martin, high-level Republican lawmakers, donors and strategists eager to block Trump have described, in separate conversations, an endgame to the presidential primary.
When it becomes clear in the early state and national polling who is consolidating support, the most influential figures with ties to the lagging candidates will stage a sort of political intervention and tell them it’s time to quit and rally to the strongest alternative to Trump. Yet as spring turns to summer, traditionally the period when presidential hopefuls consider whether they’re gaining any traction, this vision seems more fantasy than strategy. In fact, if Trump does emerge as the GOP standard bearer next year we will look back on this week to grasp why, just like in 2016, he was able to take advantage of a divided opposition.
WHAT EMERGING DEM MAJORITY? — News outlets have been taking note of the mood of optimism in Democratic circles as they look to 2024 , writes Ruy Teixeira in his Substack, The Liberal Patriot. This mood has been reinforced by the release of new data from the respected big data firm Catalist, which highlighted some favorable trends for the Democrats in the 2022 election. But before Democrats start popping the champagne corks, there are some other considerations to bear in mind.
While the mix effects of changing demographics may indeed favor the Democrats, these effects are fairly modest in any given election and can easily be overwhelmed by shifts in voter preference against the Democrats among unfavorable demographic groups. In addition, even among favorable demographic groups, the electoral benefit to the Democrats from their growth can be completely neutralized by shifts against the Democrats within those demographic groups. These points are as applicable to the changing generational mix as they have been to the changing racial mix.
AROUND THE WORLD
Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez speaks in Spanish Parliament. | Pablo Blazquez Dominguez/Getty Images
DRESS REHEARSAL — Socialist Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez won’t be on the ballot when Spaniards vote in local elections Sunday — but he might as well be, writes Aitor Hernández-Morales .
Everyone in the country sees this weekend’s municipal votes as a dress rehearsal for the national election , which has to be held by the end of the year. That’s bad news for Socialist candidates like Antonio Muñoz, the mayor of Seville who just wants to be reelected on his own merit — but may end up losing his post because Sánchez is so unpopular.
In an interview with POLITICO, Muñoz complained that the national framing of the election — and the conservative party’s critiques of Sánchez — had undermined the possibility of real debate over how to improve Spain’s fourth-largest city, the capital of the country’s Andalusia region.
“If you want to just generate noise and have a debate about national politics: run for parliament, not mayor of Seville,” Muñoz said. “Me, I’ve stayed faithful to my slogan in these elections — Seville and only Seville — and I think that’s what voters want to hear about.”
The trouble for Muñoz — who has been a popular mayor — is that when Sevillanos head to the polls, they’ll be making their choice based not just on his performance — but on the reputation of his party.
“The polls suggest that three out of four Spaniards intend to base their vote on local matters, but a quarter admit their vote will depend on national issues,” said Pablo Simón, a political scientist at Madrid’s Carlos III university. “That’s problematic for some mayors because Sánchez is such a polarizing figure.”
The local election will take place just months before Sánchez’s fragile left-wing coalition government — the first in Spain’s history — is set to complete its four-year term in December.
Spain’s gross domestic product has been growing at a rate above the EU average, and unemployment has dropped to levels not seen since 2008. The country’s residents pay some of the lowest power prices in Europe, thanks to the Iberian Exception energy price cap. The European Commission has applauded Spain for efficient handling of its share of the bloc’s pandemic recovery cash.
And yet, within Spain, perception of the government is negative, and all of the parties in the ruling coalition have suffered a steep drop in the polls. Since May of last year, Sánchez’s Socialists have trailed behind the country’s conservative Popular Party, which is currently 7 percentage points ahead.
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NIGHTLY NUMBER
20
The number of articles of impeachment that Texas lawmakers issued against state Attorney General Ken Paxton . In an unanimous decision, a Republican-led House investigative committee that spent months quietly looking into Paxton recommended impeaching the state’s top lawyer on articles including bribery, unfitness for office and abuse of public trust. If Paxton is impeached, he would have to leave office immediately.
RADAR SWEEP
FOSSIL FUEL FIGHT — Amid huge expansions in the solar and wind spaces, Texas now leads the country in renewable energy. But the path towards more investment — and potentially someday a grid that runs 100 percent on renewables — is fraught . Lawmakers in the state have introduced bills to create incentives for more natural gas power plants to be built, which they believe are the answer to emergency energy during extreme weather events, like the storms that have taken out the entire Texas power grid. And now, Texas also leads the nation in the amount of backlog of renewable projects that still haven’t connected to the state’s main grid. Kristi E. Swartz reports for The Texas Tribune.
PARTING IMAGE
On this date in 1977: President Jimmy Carter signs the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America during a ceremony in the White House Rose Garden while Mexican Foreign Secretary Santiago Roel-Garcia, left foreground, watches along. The international treaty established the denuclearization of Latin America and the Caribbean. | AP Photo
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