Showing posts with label TEAR GAS. Show all posts
Showing posts with label TEAR GAS. Show all posts

Thursday, October 22, 2020

RSN: Charles Pierce | The President Is a Wounded Animal

 


 

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21 October 20

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Charles Pierce | The President Is a Wounded Animal
Donald Trump at a campaign rally in Des Moines, Iowa. (photo: Charlie Neibergall/AP)
Charles Pierce, Esquire
Pierce writes: "Donald Trump's latest public demand of Bill Barr would be inconceivable if anything were inconceivable anymore."

e's a wounded animal. I didn't believe at first that the tawdry ratfcking of the Hunter Biden story really was the October Surprise on which El Caudillo Del Mar-a-Lago had been counting ever since Joe Biden clinched the Democratic nomination a century ago last spring. But, as the last week unfolded, and it was revealed that the story was so rancid that it prompted a wildcat byline strike by reporters at the New York Post, of all places, it had become clear that he'd been hoping that it would turn into the 2020 equivalent of the James Comey letter to Congress that did so much to help him win four years ago. And it is equally clear that he can't let it go because he has nothing else. From Yahoo! News:

“We’ve got to get the attorney general to act,” Trump said in a telephone interview with “Fox & Friends” when asked whether a special prosecutor should be appointed to probe unverified allegations against the Bidens. “He’s got to act. And he’s got to act fast. He’s got to appoint somebody. This is major corruption, and this has to be known about before the election.”

The idea that even Bill Barr could gin up a special prosecution force and conclude its investigation all in the next 14 days is self-evidently loopy. He's a wounded animal.

So, on Thursday night, the first time that they mute his microphone while Biden is talking, I don't know what will happen, but it will not be like anything we've seen in a political debate before. It is not inconceivable that he walks off the stage entirely. Nor is it inconceivable that he'll simply talk louder. Nor is it inconceivable that...well, there's nothing inconceivable anymore. That word doesn't mean what we thought it meant. Not anymore. Being a casual friend of Kristen Welker, I am seriously considering doing a novena on her behalf Wednesday night. Or, at the very least, I may send her a whip and a chair. He is a wounded animal, and he's chewing off his own leg to get out of the trap.

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Igor Danchenko says he is the victim of a smear campaign by senior Republicans, including President Trump. (photo: The Guardian)
Igor Danchenko says he is the victim of a smear campaign by senior Republicans, including President Trump. (photo: The Guardian)


Trump's False 'Russian Spy' Claims Put Me in Danger, Says Steele Dossier Source
Luke Harding, Guardian UK
Harding writes: "A Russian analyst says he is in hiding and 'afraid for his life' after being unmasked by top congressional Republicans as the source behind the Steele dossier on Donald Trump and Moscow."


Exclusive: New York-based analyst Igor Danchenko did gather intelligence about Trump but he is certainly not a spy, he says

 Russian analyst says he is in hiding and “afraid for his life” after being unmasked by top congressional Republicans as the source behind the Steele dossier on Donald Trump and Moscow.

In his first-ever interview Igor Danchenko said he is the victim of a smear campaign by the president and the Republican senator Lindsey Graham. Both have repeatedly alleged that Danchenko is a suspected Russian spy who fed disinformation to Christopher Steele, the former MI6 officer.

Danchenko said he was not a Kremlin operative. He added that the accusation had made him a target for the pro-Trump radical right and left him effectively unemployed. “It’s a stigma. Being a ‘Russian spy’ is quite different from being James Bond. There are myths,” he told the Guardian.

He is now threatening to take legal action against Trump. Last week Danchenko’s lawyer, Mark E Schamel, sent a cease-and-desist letter to Pat Cipollone, the president’s counsel. It said Trump had endorsed and retweeted “completely unsubstantiated lies”, which damaged Danchenko’s professional reputation and were “endangering his life”.

The letter added: “These allegations of treason and espionage are extraordinarily serious. They are also completely false. Yet the president continues to publish these and similar false statements about Mr Danchenko with disregard for Mr Danchenko’s safety and reputation.”

In spring and summer 2016 Danchenko collected much of the raw intelligence that appeared in Steele’s dossier on Trump’s links with Moscow.

He was outed in July, following interviews he gave in early 2017 to the FBI as part of its Crossfire Hurricane investigation into the Trump’s possible collusion with Russia. He was described in FBI documents as Steele’s “primary sub-source”.

In recent weeks Trump has retweeted claims that Danchenko is a “Russian spy”, and the Republican senator Lindsey Graham made similar assertions to Fox News. Graham recently published the transcript of Danchenko’s FBI interview, after attorney general William Barr cleared it for release.

In an interview with Sean Hannity, Graham said Danchenko had fed Kremlin disinformation to Steele. Steele, whose dossier was funded by Hillary Clinton’s Democrats, had then made it into a “Tom Clancy novel” which was in turn “sold” to the FBI.

Speaking to the Guardian from New York, Danchenko defended his work on the dossier. “I stand by it,” he said. He said he did not resile from explosive allegations that Trump may have been compromised during a visit in 2013 to Moscow’s Ritz-Carlton hotel. “I got it right,” he added.

The Steele dossier alleged that the Kremlin had been cultivating Trump for at least five years. It said that the FSB spy agency had secretly videoed Trump during his trip to Moscow for the Miss Universe beauty pageant, filming him inside the hotel’s presidential suite with two sex workers.

Trump strenuously denies the claim. Danchenko said he couldn’t discuss his sources in Russia or his methods. But he said: “I stand by my raw intelligence.”

He said the “salacious” material in the dossier formed a small part of a 35-page document. The allegation would be “amusing”, he said, were it not for the fact that any covert FSB recording might be used for blackmail purposes.

Danchenko said he collected his raw intelligence from Russia on a “shoestring budget”. He confirmed that he travelled to Moscow and St Petersburg in 2016 for “the Trump-Russia project”.

In August the committee published its counter-intelligence findings into the Trump campaign’s ties with Russia. The bipartisan report was dismissive of Steele’s dossier, but corroborated key elements in it, saying that a Russian intelligence officer was “permanently based” at the Ritz-Carlton hotel, and spied on guests via a “network” of hidden cameras.

The nearly 1,000 page report also laid out multiple contacts between Paul Manafort, Trump’s campaign manager who features in the dossier, and Konstantin Kilimnik, described as a Russian intelligence officer. Manafort gave Kilimnik internal Trump polling data, and the report described his willingness to pass sensitive material to a Moscow spy as a “grave counter-intelligence threat”.

Danchenko said the campaign against him was designed to deflect from the damaging Senate report. “I think they thought I would be an easy target to discredit the dossier. By doubling down on this they would be able to discredit the whole Russia investigation,” he said.

He said his dossier assignment was no different from other projects he’d done before. “I was not on any political fishing expedition on behalf of anyone. My mandate was broad and standard: while doing your research on A and B, also see if there is anything on Trump campaign-Russia. Report any leads or red flags back. As a seasoned Russia expert, that was exactly what I did.”

Danchenko said he cooperated fully with the FBI – but not, as has been suggested, as part of some “deep state” plot. He described its agents as “very knowledgable and professional”. “They treated me with respect,” he said.

During the interviews Danchenko appeared to downplay the reliability of his own information – a point seized upon by Republican commentators. According to inspector general Michael Horowitz, Danchenko told the bureau his work with sub-sources in Russia amounted to “hearsay” and “conversation had with friends over beers”. Statements about Trump’s sexual activities were “jest”, he said.

Danchenko declined to discuss whether he was afraid at the time of his now-leaked FBI interview and therefore keen to minimise his role and the strength of his sources. He said there were “nuances” and questions of interpretation. He stressed: “I didn’t write the summary. I’m not the inspector general.”

Born in the USSR, Danchenko graduated from high school in Perm, Russia, and spent a year as an exchange student in Louisiana. He worked as a Russian-trained lawyer in the oil and construction industry, including in Iran, and later earned degrees from the University of Louisville and Georgetown University.

His US career started at the Brookings Institution, where he worked from 2005 to 2010. One of his close colleagues was Fiona Hill – Trump’s then future and now former national security adviser. In 2009 the FBI launched an investigation into his possible links with Russian intelligence. The inquiry was shelved in 2011.

Danchenko said that as a specialist in Russia and Eurasia and the author of analytical papers it was inevitable he would come into contact with Russian officials. “It would be strange if I didn’t meet them,” he said. “I’m not surprised if one was an intelligence officer of some sort. That’s how they operate, using diplomatic cover. The FBI looked into me, as they should have done.”

Danchenko is based in New York. He said since the Republicans outed him this summer he could no longer return to Russia – even in the event that Putin left power. He had been forced to embark on costly litigation against Trump and others to defend his reputation, he said – and on Monday launched a crowdfunding campaign to pay his legal bills.

He was worried about using his real name when checking into hotels, and was more afraid of renegade Trump supporters than of Kremlin operatives. “I’m afraid for my life. I want to stay healthy. I want to stay alive,” he said.

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Border wall. (photo: Herika Martinez/Getty)
Border wall. (photo: Herika Martinez/Getty)


3 of Trump's Signature Immigration Policies Are on the Line at the Supreme Court
Nicole Narea, Vox
Excerpt: "Trump's border wall, the 'Remain in Mexico' policy, and his attempt to weaponize the census against immigrants hang in the balance."

fter the election, the Supreme Court will hear three major cases about immigration policies that seek to keep immigrants arriving on the southern border out and erode the political influence of unauthorized immigrants living in the US.

If President Donald Trump loses the election next month, Joe Biden as president is likely to at least attempt to reverse the policies in question, making the cases moot. But if Trump wins, the cases would be decided next year, potentially enabling his attempts to further his restrictionist immigration agenda in a second term.

The justices previously agreed to hear a case about Trump’s attempt to exclude unauthorized immigrants from 2020 census population counts that will be used to draw congressional districts. States with large populations of unauthorized immigrants — California and Texas among them — could lose seats in Congress as a result.

The justices announced Monday that they would hear two new cases as well, one of which concerns Trump’s attempt to divert billions in Pentagon funds for the construction of a wall on the southern border — a rallying cry among his base in 2016. The other is a challenge to his Migration Protection Protocols (MPP), also known as the “Remain in Mexico” policy, under which thousands of asylum seekers have been forced to wait in Mexico, often for months on end, for a chance to obtain protection in the US.

Biden has vowed to end the Remain in Mexico policy and revoke Trump’s census memorandum, if that’s possible. He has also criticized the border wall as a colossal waste of taxpayer money since most contraband is smuggled through ports of entry and the vast majority of unauthorized immigrants living in the US arrived legally but overstayed their visas.

And even if Trump prevails, it’s not clear that the Supreme Court would rule in his favor, even with the president’s nominee Amy Coney Barrett on the bench.

The Supreme Court has upheld some of Trump’s signature immigration policies, including his travel ban policy. But it has also thwarted him at key moments: It has temporarily prevented him from ending the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, which has allowed more than 700,000 young unauthorized immigrants to live and work in the US, and blocked him from putting a citizenship question on the 2020 census, which experts said would depress response rates in immigrant communities.

In those rulings against Trump, Chief Justice John Roberts joined the court’s liberals and cast deciding votes. It’s not clear whether Barrett would play a similar role or if she would tip the scales in favor of conservatives on these high-profile immigration cases.

The fate of Trump’s border wall rests with the justices

On the campaign trail in 2016, Trump made building the border wall a centerpiece of his platform. He pledged that Mexico would pay for it, but that never came to pass; instead, the administration transferred $2.5 billion in Pentagon funds in order to construct it after Congress refused to fully fund the project.

California, New Mexico, and environmental groups including the Sierra Club challenged the administration’s use of those funds, claiming that it did not have the authority to make the transfer. Lower courts have agreed, but the Supreme Court could overturn those rulings, announcing on Monday that it would hear the case.

The Secretary of Defense is permitted by law to transfer military funds appropriated by Congress if higher funding priorities arise due to “unforeseen military requirements” and, critically, if Congress has not objected. But as the environmental groups have argued, the border wall was one of Trump’s longtime political goals — not a response to an unanticipated military threat — and one that Congress rejected in the 2019 budget it passed after Trump had made the funding request.

The administration has argued, on the other hand, that the border wall is a legitimate response to the national emergency concerning unauthorized immigration and drug smuggling across the southern border, which Trump declared in February 2019. Though that emergency declaration remains in effect, migration appears to have drastically dropped over the last year. The US apprehended 400,651 people at the southern border over fiscal year 2020, which ended on September 30 — less than half the number apprehended in 2019.

The justices have already hinted at how they might rule: They intervened at an earlier stage of the lawsuit, permitting construction of the border wall to continue while the case made its way through the lower courts.

That has given Trump license to speed up construction ahead of the election, often cutting through national forests and wildlife preserves to do so.

The Remain in Mexico policy is essential to Trump’s strategy on the border

The Supreme Court will also weigh in on Trump’s Remain in Mexico program, one of Trump’s core policies on the southern border, which went into effect in January 2019. Since then, more than 60,000 asylum seekers have been sent back to Mexico, where they’re under threat from drug cartels and kidnappers and are dependent on volunteers for basic supplies.

The American Civil Liberties Union, among others, has challenged the policy on the basis that it has resulted in asylum seekers being sent back to their persecutors. But the Trump administration has credited the program as one of its key tools in reducing the number of migrants coming across the southern border.

Without explaining their reasoning, the justices previously allowed the program to remain in effect while the appeals process played out.

Before MPP, migrants who waited in line at the border, as well as those who were apprehended between ports of entry, would have been held at a US Customs and Border Protection processing facility until a border agent determined whether they should be released, transferred to immigration detention, or deported. But under MPP, they were mostly turned away at the border and allowed to enter the US only to attend their immigration court hearings.

Since the pandemic hit, however, the administration has turned to other methods of keeping them out. US Customs and Border Protection invoked public health authorities to turn away asylum seekers who might be carrying the coronavirus. Some of them are still waiting in Mexican border towns, where they have limited access to legal counsel and reside in tent encampments.

Trump wants to weaponize the census against immigrants

Last week, the justices announced that they would review a case over Trump’s memorandum excluding unauthorized immigrants living in the US from census population counts for the purposes of redrawing congressional districts in 2021 — a transparent attack on their political power that was struck down by lower courts. The justices will hear arguments in the case on November 30, ahead of a December 31 federal deadline for sending the population counts to Congress.

Most states currently draw congressional districts, determining the areas that each elected official represents based on total population, including unauthorized immigrants. Current maps are due to be redrawn across the country in 2021 after the results of the 2020 census come in, and the stakes are high: Each redistricting has a lasting influence on who is likely to win elections, which communities will be represented in Congress, and, ultimately, what laws will be passed.

Trump’s attempt to exclude unauthorized immigrants would reduce the counts in areas where foreign-born populations have traditionally settled — primarily Democrat-run cities — and therefore undermine their political power relative to more rural, Republican-run areas. But it could also impact red states with large immigrant populations, including Texas.

The administration has argued that, by law, the president has the final say over who must be counted in the census.

In a written statement issued after he signed the memorandum in July, Trump said that allowing unauthorized immigrants to be counted would undermine American representative democracy and create “perverse incentives” for those seeking to come to the US.

“There used to be a time when you could proudly declare, ‘I am a citizen of the United States,’” Trump said in the statement. “But now, the radical left is trying to erase the existence of this concept and conceal the number of illegal aliens in our country. This is all part of a broader left-wing effort to erode the rights of Americans citizens, and I will not stand for it.”

But on September 10, a panel of three federal judges found that Trump’s memorandum skirted the federal government’s constitutional obligation to count every person, no matter their immigration status, in the census every 10 years.

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Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg. (photo: Drew Angerer/Getty)
Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg. (photo: Drew Angerer/Getty)


Report: With Zuckerberg's Blessing, Facebook Quietly Stymied Traffic to Left-Leaning News Outlets
Alyse Stanley, Gizmodo
Stanley writes: "When Facebook tweaked its newsfeed algorithm in 2017 to reduce the visibility of political news, the company's engineers intentionally designed the system to disproportionately impact left-leaning outlets, effectively choking off their traffic in the process."
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Deputy US Attorney General Jeffrey Rosen holds a news conference to announce the results of the global resolution of criminal and civil investigations at the DOJ., October 21, 2020. (photo: Yuri Gripas/Getty)
Deputy US Attorney General Jeffrey Rosen holds a news conference to announce the results of the global resolution of criminal and civil investigations at the DOJ., October 21, 2020. (photo: Yuri Gripas/Getty)


OxyContin Maker Purdue Reaches Plea Deal in Opioid Probe
Mike Spector, Reuters
Spector writes: "Purdue Pharma LP agreed to plead guilty to criminal charges over the handling of its addictive prescription opioid OxyContin, in a deal with U.S. prosecutors that effectively sidestepped paying billions of dollars in penalties and stopped short of criminally charging its executives or wealthy Sackler family owners."
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Pope Francis arriving for the weekly general audience at the Vatican on Wednesday. (photo: Angelo Carconi/EPA)
Pope Francis arriving for the weekly general audience at the Vatican on Wednesday. (photo: Angelo Carconi/EPA)


Pope Francis Calls for Creation of Civil Union Laws for Same-Sex Couples
Justine Coleman, The Hill
Coleman writes: "Pope Francis called for the creation of civil union laws for same-sex couples in a documentary released Wednesday, straying from the Vatican's traditional position on the topic."

The pontiff expressed his clearest support for same-sex civil unions in the documentary “Francesco” that premiered in Rome, the Catholic News Agency (CNA) reported.

Within the film, Pope Francis addressed how pastoral care for those in the LGBTQ community should work, saying “homosexuals have a right to be a part of the family.”

“They’re children of God and have a right to a family. Nobody should be thrown out, or be made miserable because of it,” the pope said.

“What we have to create is a civil union law. That way they are legally covered,” Pope Francis added. “I stood up for that.”

“Francesco” covers the life and ministry of the pope and premiered as part of the Rome Film Festival. It is scheduled to premiere in North America on Sunday, according to the CNA.

The documentary highlights how Pope Francis approaches social issues, such as advocating for migrants, refugees and the poor and addressing clerical sexual abuse, the role of women and how Catholics and others treat the LGBTQ community.

Pope Francis’s direct request for civil unions goes farther than previous pontiffs and is a shift from the Vatican's viewpoints on the topic.

The CNA reported that the pope said in the 2013 book “On Heaven and Earth” that laws “assimilating” LGBTQ relations to marriage are “an anthropological regression.”

“Francesco” filmmaker Evgeny Afineevsky told CNA that the film is not “about” Pope Francis’s call for civil unions but is instead “about many other global issues.”

"I’m looking at him not as the pope, I’m looking at him as a humble human being, great role model to younger generation, leader for the older generation, a leader to many people not in the sense of the Catholic Church, but in the sense of pure leadership, on the ground, on the streets,” the Russian-born filmmaker, who lives in the U.S., said.

Sarah Kate Ellis, the president and CEO of Gay and Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation, said in a statement that the pope "joins millions" in "recognizing that LGBTQ people should be protected, not persecuted."

"This news should send an undeniable message to Catholic families with LGBTQ people that all family members are deserving of acceptance and support," Ellis said. "Pope Francis’ public approval is a fundamental step forward at a time when LGBTQ acceptance around the world and across religions is expanding and rightfully becoming the norm.”

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Federal agents deploy tear gas in the neighborhood near the Immigration and Customs Enforcement building in Portland, Ore., on Oct. 17, 2020. (photo: Doug Brown/ACLU Oregon)
Federal agents deploy tear gas in the neighborhood near the Immigration and Customs Enforcement building in Portland, Ore., on Oct. 17, 2020. (photo: Doug Brown/ACLU Oregon)


Environmentalists Sue Homeland Security for Chemical Weapons Use
Sharon Lerner, The Intercept
Excerpt: "Federal agents employed 'a vast arsenal of weapons,' including toxic smoke grenades, against protestors in Portland."

nvironmental groups sued the Department of Homeland Security and its acting secretary, Chad Wolf, in federal district court today over their use of what the suit called “a vast arsenal of weapons” on Black Lives Matter protesters in Portland. The weapons deployed by the federal agents during what the Trump administration dubbed “Operation Diligent Valor” pose potentially grave health and environmental hazards, according to the suit, which the ACLU Foundation of Oregon filed on behalf of the Northwest Center for Alternatives to Pesticides, the Willamette Riverkeeper, Cascadia Wildlands, Neighbors for Clean Air, and 350PDX.

The Department of Homeland Security did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Among the weapons mentioned in the complaint are rubber bullets; CS tear gas; OC spray, also known as pepper spray; and hexachloroethane smoke grenades. As The Intercept reported earlier this month, the U.S. military began phasing out the smoke grenades years ago because of their toxicity. Along with a thick smoke, the grenades release chemicals associated with short- and long-term human health effects, including nausea, vomiting, central nervous system depression, kidney and liver damage, and cancer.The groups detail the serious risks of CS tear gas, citing a 2014 report that showed it had “a profound effect on the respiratory system” and that U.S. Army recruits exposed to the tear gas in basic training had a nearly 2.5 times greater risk of acute respiratory illness. The complaint lists symptoms associated with the gas, including eye injuries, chronic pain, cough, neurodegeneration, and menstrual irregularities. And it presents evidence that “[e]ven at low concentrations, CS gas presents a risk of irreversible or other serious, long-lasting adverse human health effects.”

According to the suit, the Department of Homeland Security violated the National Environmental Policy Act by failing to consider the “potentially severe environmental and human health impacts” of the weapons. The National Environmental Policy Act requires federal agencies to weigh the impacts of proposed actions that “significantly affect the quality of the human environment.” And the suit lays out evidence that, in addition to imperiling protesters, who have described weight loss, lung damage, exhaustion, and other symptoms after being exposed to gas and smoke released by the federal agents, the weapons may harm the environment. Several of the chemicals released by the munitions are harmful to aquatic life, according to their safety data sheets.

The federal agents used so much tear gas and other weapons during the face-offs with protesters that its residue was visible on streets, sidewalks, and plants near the federal courthouse and ICE detention center where they were used. There are at least seven stormwater drains near the Justice Center and the ICE detention center, where the agents were stationed, and at least two of the drains feed directly into the nearby Willamette River. According to the suit, plaintiffs have identified “tear gas and other chemical munitions floating over the Willamette River” and have seen DHS agents “power washing” the residue from tear gas and other chemical weapons into the storm drains. The environmental groups conclude that the chemicals have likely already entered the nearby Willamette River.

While officials in Portland have acknowledged that residue from tear gas and other chemical munitions used by the Department of Homeland Security entered the city’s storm drains downtown, the federal agency has not provided a list of tear gas and chemical munitions used against protesters to the Portland Bureau of Environmental Services, according to the complaint. It also says that the federal government has denied the city environmental agency access to a catch basin behind the federal agents’ barrier where they want to test stormwater there for the presence of chemicals.

Operation Diligent Valor began when Department of Homeland Security Agents descended on Portland in July. But DHS agents remain in the city and have used chemical munitions as recently as October 18, when a thermal fogger released gas into a crowd of protesters gathered outside an ICE facility. The suit asks the court to stop DHS from using such weapons in Portland until its violation of the law is corrected.

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Thursday, September 3, 2020

RSN: Jeff Flake | Here's Who I'll Be Supporting for President, and Why.

 


 

Reader Supported News
02 September 20

It's Live on the HomePage Now:
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Jeff Flake | Here's Who I'll Be Supporting for President, and Why.
Former Sen. Jeff Flake. (photo: Getty)
Jeff Flake, Medium
Flake writes: "We need a president who summons our better angels, not a president who appeals to our baser instincts. That's why we need Joe Biden."

’m pleased to be here today to discuss who I’ll be supporting for president, and why.

It was the honor of my life to represent my state, Arizona — my family’s home — in the United States House and Senate for eighteen years. I am a conservative. I’ve always felt that my conservative beliefs and values were best expressed in the Republican Party. I was a Republican long before the president ever called himself one, and I will be a Republican long after identifying as such is no longer useful to him. Principle does not go in and out of fashion, does not chase ratings, or play to the base, or care too much about polls. And principle is the provenance of no one party. That is one of the things I am here to talk about today.

The other thing I am here to talk about is the future — both of my party, but more importantly, the future of our country.

I was raised on a cattle ranch in Northern Arizona. Goldwater country. When I was a kid, the Republican Party under President Reagan was brimming with ideas, full of purpose and principle. It was coherent, and inspiring, and idealistic. So much so that it awakened the imagination of a kid from the town of Snowflake, and a whole generation of other kids just like him. Made us think big thoughts, and of our place in the world, and of what it meant to be an American in America, the shining city on a hill.

With Reagan, a conservative’s vision of America as the indispensable nation was benevolent and big-hearted, a beacon to the striver and to the subjugated and those locked behind an ideological wall that divided the world into free and oppressed. It was morning in Reagan’s America. It wasn’t perfect, but it was always getting better. We were the sum of our goodness, not our gripes — of our resolve, not our resentments.

I got into public service believing that for our politics to be healthy, the American government needed people who believed as I do, but also people who believed differently from me. This has become somewhat of a novel idea. But it is the genius of our founders that the Constitution forces compromise. Governing is hard. Democracy is hard. Decency shouldn’t be that hard, but apparently it is. You know what’s easy? Name calling. Demagoguery. The politics of vengeance is easy. Dehumanization requires very little talent.

By raging at each other, our minds vacant of reason and reeling with ill-will and tinfoil hat conspiracy theories, we have given in to the horrible tribal impulse to first mistake our opponents for our enemies… then become seized with the conviction that we must destroy that enemy… seemingly oblivious to the fact that not only are we not enemies, we are each vital organs in the same body.

It’s as if in order to save itself, your brain decided to destroy your heart. That’s about the level of care we are currently bringing to the proceedings. There is a sickness in our system, and we have infected the whole country with it.

We’re all old enough to remember when we elected presidents who spoke to our highest ideals and aspirations as a nation, not to our darkest dystopian fears. I can remember when, once an election was settled, a new president would reach out a hand to those who had opposed him, and pledge to do right by all Americans, not just those who were loyal to him.

That’s the way presidents once sought to lead and govern. In fact, it is the way every other president in the modern era, Republican or Democrat, tried to conduct himself in office. Each possessed a keen awareness that a president’s principal role is to serve not himself or his interests or the interests of his clan, but the people of the United States. That was once the American way.

Those of us of a certain age in this country have also had the rare good fortune of growing up and into adulthood not having to think too much about the consequences of our votes — or even whether we vote at all in a given election.

For our entire lives, through some very fractious political periods, we have taken steady self-governance for granted, and that is a luxury that so many of our fellow human beings living in other countries have never had for a single day of their lives.

But the story of the past 3 ½ years is the story of the power that we vest in the presidency, and the consequences when a president does not use that power well. And these times prove the folly of taking anything for granted.

In 2016, one candidate running for the Republican nomination described our current President as a “chaos candidate” and if elected he would be a “chaos president.” Can anyone now seriously argue against this proposition?

Of course, in 2016 the President was a private citizen, and thus was unaccountable for the chaos he caused. And these traits of the man who would become the standard bearer of my party were bad enough when exhibited by a mere candidate for president.

In 2016, it was bad enough when for months in advance of the election, the Republican nominee for president claimed falsely that the coming election would be rigged. Now, as president of the United States, he has said, and I quote: “The only way we’re going to lose this election is if the election is rigged.” What kind of president talks like that? What kind of American leader undermines confidence in elections in his own country, as part of his strategy to hold power? This is extraordinarily dangerous to a free society and it stands to inflict lasting damage to our democracy.

It was bad enough when as a candidate he attacked a federal judge because of his heritage, saying that Judge Gonzalo Curiel couldn’t preside fairly over a certain case because Curiel’s parents were from Mexico. As President, he has only intensified his attack on judges. He has interfered in cases involving his friends and threatened jail for his opponents, demonstrating how little he knows or appreciates about the independent administration of justice in America.

In 2016, it was bad enough for a mere candidate for president to sweet talk the Russian dictator, calling Vladimir Putin a “strong leader for his people,” as if “his people” had a say in the matter. Watching that man as president stand with Putin at Helsinki and take the dictator’s side, defying his own intelligence community and denying the ongoing Russian attacks on our elections — was shocking and appalling. In that moment, and in so many other inexplicable moments of deference to dictators, a president of the United States degraded his office and diminished America’s role as leader of the free world.

It was bad enough in 2016 when as a candidate he resorted to calling his opponents childish names. That behavior in a president — which has only gotten worse, is an embarrassment to the office. Do any of us want our children to emulate this behavior?

I could go on, but the litany is all too familiar. It is apparent by now that the president’s behavior has not and will not change, whatever hopes we Republicans might have entertained about the office changing the man.

Some of my conservative friends will say, yes, we don’t like his behavior, but he governs as a conservative. Here, today, I will say to my fellow conservatives: Whatever else you might call the behavior I have just described, it is most assuredly not conservative. Indifference to the truth or to the careful stewardship of the institutions of American liberty is not conservative. Disregard for the separation of powers — the centerpiece of our constitutional system — is not conservative. Governing by tweet is not conservative. It’s not even governing.

And to the refrain — Well, it’s all about the Supreme Court, I say: To fall back on Supreme Court appointments as the last remnant by which we define a once vibrant conservative movement should offer little solace to conservatives.

Three conservative principles have defined and animated the Republican Party over the past several decades. A belief in limited government, a commitment to free trade, and a recognition that strong American leadership around the globe makes America a more secure nation and the world a better place.

So, how are we doing with these principles?

Well, we were running trillion-dollar deficits even before the coronavirus hit us. We have destroyed foreign markets for our goods and services. We have threatened security agreements that have kept the peace for nearly three quarters of a century. We have offended allies who we will desperately need to face China and other long-term threats to our security and prosperity. For no good reason.

Can any of us stand here today and claim that our party has remained faithful to conservative principles during the President’s time in office? No, we cannot.

If we are honest, there is less of a conservative case to be made for reelecting the President than there is a blatant appeal for more rank tribalism. And further division. And more willful amnesia in the face of more outlandish presidential behavior.

I cannot and will not be a part of that. There simply is no future in it. To my fellow Republicans who, like me, believe in the power of conservative ideas — ask yourself: Will we be in a better position to make a conservative case for governing after four more years of this administration? I think we all know the answer.

So here we are today. During the 2016 election, given what I had already seen during the campaign, I knew I could not vote for the President. Like many of my colleagues, I chose to vote for a third-party candidate. Today, given what we have experienced over the past four years, it is not enough to just to register our disapproval of the President. We need to elect someone else in his place, someone who will stop the chaos and reverse the damage.

Putting country over party has a noble history here in Arizona. In 1992, Mr. Republican, Barry Goldwater, endorsed a Democrat running for Congress over the Republican he felt would not represent the party well. Goldwater hadn’t traded in his conservative credentials. Far from it. He simply believed, in that case, that the conservative cause would be better served over the long term if the Democrat prevailed.

And that is what I believe today, in this election. And that is what a growing number of Republicans believe and are declaring today as well.

I have never before voted for a Democrat for president. But I’ve been asked many times over the past four years if I, as a conservative, could vote for a Democrat for President. “Sure,” has been my ready answer, “if he or she were a Joe Biden-kinda-Democrat.

Well, the Democratic Party just nominated a Joe Biden-kinda-Democrat, whom I am confident will approach his constitutional role with the reverence and dignity it deserves. I know that he will reach across the aisle, because that’s what he’s done his entire career.

After the turmoil of the past four years, we need a president who unifies rather than divides.

We need a president who prefers teamwork to tribalism.

We need a president who summons our better angels, not a president who appeals to our baser instincts.

That’s why we need Joe Biden.

If we have learned anything over the past four years, it is that character matters. Decency matters. Civility never goes out of style. And we should expect our president to exhibit these virtues.

I have known Vice President Biden for two decades now. I served with him in Congress for much of that time. He is a good and decent man. I haven’t always agreed with him, and there will be many policies on which we will disagree in the future, and that’s okay. The steadiness of leadership, and the health and survival of our democracy — those things far supersede any policy issues on which we might disagree.

And this much I know: With Joe Biden as president, we will be able to preserve the civic space wherein Republicans and Democrats can go back to merely disagreeing about issues of policy, without fear of revenge or reprisal.

That day cannot come soon enough.

And so, it is because of my conservatism, and because of my belief in the Constitution, and in the separation of power, and because I am gravely concerned about the conduct and behavior of our current president that I stand here today — proudly and wholeheartedly — to endorse Joe Biden to be our next president of the United States of America.

America’s best days are ahead. Go Joe.

Thank you very much.

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Elizabeth Neumann, assistant secretary of counterterrorism and threat prevention at the Department of Homeland Security, testifies at a House subcommittee hearing on confronting white supremacy and the adequacy of the federal response in June 2019. (photo: Jacquelyn Martin/AP)
Elizabeth Neumann, assistant secretary of counterterrorism and threat prevention at the Department of Homeland Security, testifies at a House subcommittee hearing on confronting white supremacy and the adequacy of the federal response in June 2019. (photo: Jacquelyn Martin/AP)

ALSO SEE: Donald Trump Is Inciting Violence

Former DHS Official: Trump Pouring 'Fuel on the Fire' of Domestic Extremism
Steve Inskeep, Simone Popperl and Lilly Quiroz, NPR
Excerpt: "A former top Department of Homeland Security official who resigned in April says the Trump administration is creating the conditions for domestic extremism to flourish in the United States."
READ MORE



Ady Barkan addresses the Democratic National Convention on Aug. 18. (photo: Michael Nigro/Zuma)
Ady Barkan addresses the Democratic National Convention on Aug. 18. (photo: Michael Nigro/Zuma)


Ady Barkan | I Speak With a Computerized Voice. Republicans Used It to Put Words in My Mouth.
Ady Barkan, The Washington Post
Barkan writes: "I speak with a computerized voice - think Stephen Hawking. It's a result of ALS, the neurological disease I've had since 2016. And of all the painful parts of this entire ordeal, which has now almost completely paralyzed me, one of the worst is the way the disease has robbed me of my natural voice. Last week, House Minority Whip Steve Scalise tried to use my computer-assisted voice to rob me of my agency, too."

Last week, House Minority Whip Steve Scalise tried to use my computer-assisted voice to rob me of my agency, too. In a video aimed at Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden, Scalise, a Republican from Louisiana, shared his team’s manipulated footage of an interview I conducted with Biden to make it appear I had said words that I never uttered, in an effort to distort Biden’s views and harm his electoral prospects.

Scalise eventually scrubbed the video from his Twitter feed after being criticized for the manipulation, but the ominous lessons of the episode remain: the ability to use technology not only for good but to mislead and manipulate; the willingness of those with political agendas to resort to such disinformation and propaganda; and the way in which America has cleaved into two separate information universes, with a conservative media ecosystem amplifying falsehoods that then take root.

The entirety of the Scalise video painted a bleak picture of the country, with cleverly spliced scenes designed to make major cities look like places of anarchy and violent chaos. That’s already disingenuous; protesters demanding an end to centuries of racial violence have largely been peaceful. But what made it so remarkable wasn’t just that Scalise twisted the truth about Black Lives Matter. His video went a step further, altering a question I had asked Biden about law enforcement to make it sound as though Biden had agreed to defund the police. I’m in favor of defunding the police, so I wish that were the case. But Biden has been clear that isn’t his position.

Now, I am of course grateful I can still speak, even if very slowly, using eye-gaze technology: A camera tracks the movements of my eyes on a screen-based keyboard, and then the resulting text is converted into speech by a synthetic voice generator. But because of my Hawking-esque voice, it’s particularly easy for others to manipulate what I say. Scalise’s team just went the extra mile in seeming to find the exact voice generator I use when they whipped up the extra words meant to damn Biden.

Scalise has since conceded the video “shouldn’t have been edited” in an interview on Fox News — even as he attempted to claim there was an underlying truthfulness to the message. That isn’t the same as an apology to me, or, more important, the more than 2 million people in this country who communicate using assistive technology like I do.

It’s specifically insulting to witness actors with the worst intentions hijack the technology that has allowed me to speak to try to speak for me, but this duplicity also exposes the broader information crisis in our society. When President Trump claimed, as he did in the run-up to the 2018 election, that a “migrant caravan” threatened the safety of the United States, he was bolstered by a vast conservative media that runs coverage amplifying his claims from morning to midnight. The inauguration crowd size, the repeated lies about voter fraud, claims about wiretapping, all of it is part of an attempt to shear one half of America away from the other by creating an alternate reality for Trump’s supporters.

That reality isn’t based on facts, but on polarized partisanship. Trump, like many other leaders around the world with authoritarian aspirations, understands that shaping reality is the most powerful tool at an autocrat’s disposal. His goal is a society in which it doesn’t matter whether what you say is true as long as your side loves it.

In that context, “deepfakes” such as the one Scalise posted aren’t missteps. They’re disinformation test balloons that should put every single one of us on alert. If they can without consequence make it seem as though I said something I didn’t, what else can they do? What else will they do? What fearmongering words can they put in Biden’s mouth in a video doctored to tip the election?

I’m not sure I know how to solve this problem. The collective outrage that got the video stricken from Twitter is a good place to start; that must not let up. Another might be looking at the polarizing effects of Facebook, where the video remains, gathering views.

That’s just the beginning, though. We need far more aggressive action across the board to identify and stop the spread of false information, because more is coming. But I can’t do that on my own. Every letter I’m typing here is difficult, each sentence its own hurdle, and my words aren’t enough. What we desperately need is others ready to speak their own — not speak false ones for me.

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Tom Gram looks at the back side of the burned-out Rode's Camera in Kenosha, Wisconsin. (photo: Elizabeth Snyder/Kenosha News)
Tom Gram looks at the back side of the burned-out Rode's Camera in Kenosha, Wisconsin. (photo: Elizabeth Snyder/Kenosha News)


Kenosha Business Owner Accuses Trump of Using Destroyed Store for Political Gain
Associated Press
Excerpt: "The owner of a camera shop that was destroyed during unrest in Kenosha and highlighted during President Donald Trump's visit says the president used his store for political gain by appearing with a former owner of the business while touring the epicenter of the latest eruption over racial injustice."

Tom Gram said he bought Rode’s Camera Shop from the Rode family eight years ago, though John Rode still owns the property. Gram’s four decades of work at the store came to an end Aug. 24, when the building was destroyed by fire during protests over the police shooting of Jacob Blake.

Gram said he got a call Monday from the White House asking if he would join the president on a tour that would showcase the destruction to the business, but Gram rejected the offer. And he said Trump’s references to Rode as the owner of the business were deceptive.

“I think everything he (Trump) does turns into a circus and I just didn’t want to be involved in it,” Gram told Milwaukee station WTMJ-TV.

The White House, however, noted Wednesday that Rode and his family founded and built Rode’s Camera Shop before World War II and still own the building that houses the shop. Trump didn’t visit the site of the shop during Tuesday’s trip to Kenosha, but Rode met with him a few blocks away and participated in a roundtable with the president.

Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden and his wife, Jill, planned to be in Kenosha on Thursday. Biden plans to hold a community meeting and make another stop at an undisclosed location, the campaign said. This will mark Biden’s first campaign stop in Wisconsin as the presidential nominee and his first in the state since October 2018.

Trump’s visit came over the objections of some state and local leaders. Kenosha has seen protests since Aug. 23, when police shot Blake, a Black man, seven times in the back. On Monday, Trump defended a 17-year-old supporter, Kyle Rittenhouse, who is accused of fatally shooting two demonstrators in Kenosha on Aug. 25 and wounding a third. 

BuzzFeed News, citing since deleted social media, reported that Rittenhouse sat in the front row at a Trump rally in Des Moines in January and a TikTok bio page of his included the slogan “Trump 2020.”

Rittenhouse’s attorney John Pierce tweeted a video of him Tuesday speaking by phone with Rittenhouse from jail in Illinois, where he was arrested.

“I just want to thank every single one of you from the bottom of my heart for the underlining support, it’s just amazing,” Rittenhouse said from the phone held up by Pierce. “I want to thank all of you for the mail I’ve been receiving. It’s been really helpful. I just want to let you all know that I’m going to be out of here soon and stay strong. And I hope to see you guys soon.”

Pierce reiterated his position that Rittenhouse was acting in self defense. 

Trump emphasized his “law and order” campaign message during his stop in Kenosha, where he thanked police but did not meet with anyone from Blake’s family.

Also Tuesday, four people arrested during demonstrations in Kenosha filed a federal civil rights lawsuit alleging that local law enforcement arrested only those protesting against police brutality, not “pro-police protesters and militia” who were armed with rifles. 

The lawsuit claims that enforcement of a curfew from 7 p.m. to 7 a.m. violates constitutional free speech and equal protection rights. 

“In Kenosha, there are two sets of laws — one that applies to those who protest police brutality and racism, and another for those who support the police,” the lawsuit said.

Sam Hall, attorney for Kenosha County, called the lawsuit “entirely without merit” and said the county will seek immediate dismissal.

“The Kenosha County Sheriff’s Department has worked tirelessly to bring order back to the community and has been careful to protect the rights of all citizens throughout that process,” Hall said in a statement. 

An attorney for the city did not immediately return a message seeking comment Wednesday.

The lawsuit includes widely circulated cellphone video from Aug. 25 showing law enforcement officers in armored vehicles handing bottles of water to civilians with rifles and thanking them. One of the people in that video is Rittenhouse.

In the video, police appear to be clearing out protesters while allowing the gun-carrying civilians who said they were there to protect the property to remain.

Those bringing the lawsuit are represented by North Carolina civil rights lawyer Kimberly Motely, who also represents Gaige Grosskreutz, the man prosecutors say was shot in the arm by Rittenhouse.

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Soldiers assembled on September 2, 1945, at Ba Dinh Square in Hanoi for the Independence Day pageant. (photo: Ho Chi Minh Museum)
Soldiers assembled on September 2, 1945, at Ba Dinh Square in Hanoi for the Independence Day pageant. (photo: Ho Chi Minh Museum)


Vietnam's Long Walk to Freedom
Ian Birchall, Jacobin
Excerpt: "Seventy-five years ago today, Vietnam launched a bid for national freedom with its Declaration of Independence. The French colonial regime answered with brutal repression, kick-starting thirty years of destructive conflict."

n September 2, 1945, the Declaration of Independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam was proclaimed in Hanoi. It was a sign that the world emerging from the Second World War would be very different from that which had existed previously.

Instead of acceding to the desire for national freedom, the French government tried to restore its colonial regime. That refusal to grant self-determination to the people of Indochina set the scene for thirty years of immensely destructive conflict, during which the United States picked up the baton from France in the name of anti-communism.

The scars of that long struggle, both physical and psychological, are still very much in evidence today. It could all have been avoided if the authorities in Paris had responded to Vietnam’s Declaration of Independence in the spirit of democracy and not colonial domination.

Colonial Indochina

France had colonized Indochina — Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia — from the 1880s. France’s prime minister at the time was Jules Ferry, a racist who argued that “superior races” had a duty to civilize “inferior” races. Today, Ferry is best remembered for having established secular education, independent of the church, in France. A state-controlled education system, inculcating the values of patriotism and militarism, was part of the colonialist package.

France’s colonial possessions grew rapidly. By 1919, it was the second-biggest empire on Earth, with nearly one-tenth of the world’s land area and 5 percent of its population. It was second in size (and brutality) only to the British.

In 1931, the French authorities put on a colonial exhibition in Paris, which was visited by 8 million people. Colonial minister Paul Reynaud described colonization as “the greatest fact of History” and boasted that “our grip on the world is tightening every day.” (By the time Reynaud died in 1966, the French empire had disintegrated to nothing.)

The French justification for colonialism rested upon the so-called civilizing mission — the claim that it was bringing civilization to allegedly “backward” countries. French leaders often gave this argument a left-wing twist, suggesting that the values of the French Revolution of 1789 were being exported to the world. For the inhabitants of a colony like Indochina, however, there was very little liberty or equality — and even less fraternity.

A Barbarizing Mission

In 1931, a French journalist, Andrée Viollis, joined an official ministerial visit to Indochina. This gave her access to official circles, but she also used the opportunity to meet political prisoners. The result was a book, SOS Indochina (1935), which gave a devastating account of the reality of life in France’s colony.

Instead of the much-vaunted “civilizing mission,” Viollis found exploitation and acute poverty. In one district, there was just one doctor for 160,000 indigenous inhabitants. The colonial regime met resistance with savage repression and the frequent use of torture.

Viollis had previously visited British-ruled India. She had believed that France “used more humane and intelligent methods of colonization than England.” As she noted, however, “a few days in Indochina would be enough to brutally destroy this illusion.” She told the horrific story of one prisoner who “bit off his tongue so as not to talk.”

Viollis also met French settlers who recognized that French rule was doomed. As one civil servant told her: “In fifteen years perhaps, we French of Indochina won’t be here anymore, and it will be our fault!”

Liberation or Restoration?

The German occupation of France in 1940 made things even worse for Indochina. Supporters of the pro-German marshal Philippe Pétain took over the country. In the last year of the war, there was a catastrophic famine: estimates of deaths range from 500,000 to 2 million.

In 1941, the leaders of Britain and the United States adopted the Atlantic Charter, which recognized that all peoples had a right to self-determination (although the British leader Winston Churchill tried to assert that it did not apply to the British Empire). The Allied powers claimed to be fighting the Nazis in the name of basic freedoms and rights. However, the populations of the colonial world had never enjoyed those rights in the first place.

This was the background to the Declaration of Independence in 1945. Ho Chi Minh, a long-standing fighter against imperialism and founder of the Indochinese Communist Party, had formed the Viet Minh, a national independence coalition, in 1941. His declaration echoed the United States Declaration of Independence of 1776:

All men are created equal. They are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among them are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.

The message was simple, and its logic would spread through Asia and Africa in the coming years — if it’s good enough for the Americans, it’s good enough for us Vietnamese.

But it was a message that European colonialism was not ready to hear. France was still reconstructing its armed forces after the Occupation, so British troops — sent by the newly elected Labour government — took over the country and ensured that independence would be stillborn. When the Labour MP Tom Driberg, who was visiting Indochina, tried to mediate, his letter was delayed by General Douglas Gracey, commander in chief of Allied Land Forces.

Ho Chi Minh and “La Lutte”

The Declaration of Independence responded to deep aspirations in the people of Indochina, who had no desire to return to the oppression and misery of the 1930s. In one area, miners elected workers’ councils to control the whole district.

In Saigon, the demand arose for a more radical reconstruction of society, encouraged by the Trotskyist La Lutte (“The Struggle”) organization, which had enjoyed significant support in the 1930s. The revolutionary Ngo Van described how “numerous people’s committees . . . arose spontaneously, as organizations of local management.”

This did not fit with the perspectives of Ho Chi Minh and the Viet Minh. As World War II came to an end, Stalin had agreed to carve up the globe between the Soviet Union and the Western powers. He was determined that his followers should not upset the new balance of power.

For his part, Ho Chi Minh did not want to see a movement for the self-emancipation of workers and peasants escalating beyond his control. He depended on the Soviet leadership for political guidance and believed in the possibility of cooperation with his old comrades from the French Communist Party, who were now part of the government in Paris. In contrast, the Vietnamese Trotskyists believed that if anything were to be achieved in this situation, the Indochinese workers would have to rely on their own strength.

La Lutte and its supporters were brutally suppressed by both colonial forces and the Viet Minh. Viet Minh forces killed Tạ Thu Thâu, a long-standing leader who had been imprisoned by the French and elected as a city councillor in the 1930s.

When Ho Chi Minh came to Paris for talks in 1946, he invited Daniel Guérin, an established anti-colonial activist, to lunch at a hotel. Challenged about the fate of Tạ Thu Thâu, Ho replied: “All those who do not follow the line which I have laid down will be broken.”

Clinging on to Empire

The brief bid for Indochinese independence failed. Had it succeeded, it would have made not one but two wars unnecessary. The long fight for freedom, which left at least 3 million dead, could have been avoided.

But those who ruled France were determined to retain their empire. The head of the provisional government that emerged from the Liberation was Charles de Gaulle, a right-wing military man who had encouraged resistance to the Nazi occupation from London. But most of the right-wing forces inside France had been discredited by their support for the Nazis, so the parties in De Gaulle’s government were predominantly of the Left: Communists (PCF), Socialists (SFIO), and Christian Democrats.

For De Gaulle, there was no doubt that France would continue in its imperial role. In a broadcast, he declared that France was taking back its “place in the world.” Already in the summer of 1945, France had clashed with Britain about control of Syria.

From De Gaulle, that was to be expected. More disappointing was the response of the Left, which was very slow to address the question of colonialism. Le Monde, a newly founded daily paper, generally expressed a progressive, left-of-center point of view. But in September 1945, it noted with pleasure the prospect that “the French flag will again be flying in the Indochinese sky.”

The Communist Party, formed in 1920 under the influence of the Russian Revolution, had originally been committed to supporting liberation movements in the colonies. But as the party came more and more to reflect the interests of Soviet foreign policy, its commitment to anti-colonialism declined.

The Franco-Soviet Treaty of Mutual Assistance of 1935 had meant that French — and Indochinese — Communists abandoned their opposition to French national defense policy, to the dismay of many Vietnamese socialists. The PCF dropped its demand for colonial independence: party leader Maurice Thorez used the specious argument that “the right to divorce did not mean the obligation to divorce.” The implication was apparently that France’s relationship to its colonies constituted a happy marriage. The people of Indochina might not have agreed.

Oradour in Algeria

Under PCF leadership, the Resistance had presented itself as a movement for national independence, often using crudely anti-German slogans rather than anti-Nazi ones. It did not raise the question of France’s role as a colonial power, and a new generation introduced into activism had not been confronted with the colonial question. The SFIO, apart from its far-left fringe, had always been weaker on colonial questions.

Things changed from the very first day of the postwar period. On May 8, 1945, a victory celebration was held in Sétif in northern Algeria. Police opened fire on a peaceful demonstration of Algerian nationalists. This provoked a spontaneous revolt in which around one hundred European settlers were killed, victims of the accumulated anger of the indigenous population.

The French government ordered massive retaliation, with bombing, shelling, and death squads. At least fifteen thousand Muslims died, probably many more. Yet the PCF and SFIO remained part of the cabinet in Paris and condoned the repression.

The only opposition in France came from the far-left fringe. An independent left-wing paper called Ohé Partisans denounced the massacre as “Oradour-sur-Glane in Algeria,” comparing it to the Nazi slaughter of more than six hundred people in the French town of that name. Parallels drawn between the Nazi occupation of France and French rule in its colonies were to become increasingly frequent in the coming years.

So long as the PCF and SFIO remained in government, they made no attempt to challenge France’s colonial rule. As a result, the first expressions of support for Indochinese independence came from unaligned individuals. In November 1945, the Catholic philosopher Joseph Rovan, who had been imprisoned in Dachau for Resistance activity, denounced “the inhumane positions of colonialism.”

Commenting on the claim by French general Philippe Leclerc that the Viet Minh were “bandits and extremists,” Rovan recalled “the time when French Resisters too were described as terrorists and common‑law criminals recruited in the underworld.” Jean-Paul Sartre’s new journal, Les Temps modernes, called for the withdrawal of French troops and published several pieces opposing the war, although without explicitly supporting independence.

“Dying for the Rubber Planters”

Henri Martin, a young Communist who had been active in the Resistance, stayed in the armed forces after Liberation to go to Indochina, believing that he was continuing the struggle against the remnants of fascism. By May 1946, he was writing to his parents with the following message:

In Indochina, the French army is behaving as the Germans did in France. I am completely disgusted to see that. Why do our planes machine-gun (every day) defenceless fishermen? Why do our soldiers pillage, burn and kill? In order to bring civilization?

The French determination to cling on to empire and the Indochinese demand for freedom could not coexist. In November 1946, a French ship bombarded Haiphong, killing six thousand people and starting a full-scale war. But the PCF and the SFIO remained in government; in March 1947, PCF ministers voted for war credits, while other Communist deputies merely abstained.

The only opposition came from the youth section of the SFIO (soon to be dissolved), which organized a campaign of leaflets, flyposting, and meetings, leading to a militant demonstration. One leaflet read:

People think they’re dying for their homeland, but they’re dying for the rubber planters . . . not a halfpenny, not a man for Indochina.

In 1947, following a strike at the Renault car plant, the PCF found itself turfed out of the government. As the Cold War intensified, the French Communists now mounted vigorous opposition to the war. There were strikes by dockers and violent demonstrations in which PCF supporters attacked and damaged munitions destined for Indochina. After Henri Martin was jailed for distributing anti-war material in the armed forces, a huge campaign began in his support, backed by intellectuals like Sartre and Pablo Picasso.

For seven years, France fought to hang on to Indochina. Although the French government did not use conscripts, some of the regular troops came to recognize the nature of the war they were fighting. At the Liberation, Albert Clavier, hoping to see something of the world, had enrolled in the Colonial Artillery — even though, as he later recalled, he “didn’t know much about what the colonies were.” He found out when he befriended an Indochinese family and observed French atrocities. Eventually he crossed over to the Viet Minh.

The independence movement employed Clavier on propaganda work, addressing French troops with a loudspeaker, urging them to lay down their arms, and drawing parallels between the Vietnamese struggle and the French Resistance. He shared the living standards of his Vietnamese hosts, subsisting on two bowls of rice a day.

A Savage War, Then Peace

The results of France’s stubborn determination to hang on to its empire could also be seen in Madagascar. In 1947, a nationalist uprising spread rapidly, engaging up to a million peasants, who were soon joined by railway workers. French forces resorted to mass executions, the burning of entire villages, and torture, and they had put down the uprising by December 1948.

But just twelve years later, Madagascar won its independence. France’s defense of its empire had been savage yet futile. There was little criticism of its colonial wars from the non-Communist left, apart from individuals like the novelist Albert Camus.

The futile and murderous war in Indochina lasted until 1954. Following the French defeat at Dien Bien Phu, Indochina was partitioned; Laos and Cambodia had already become independent in 1953. A Communist state was established in North Vietnam, with a pro-American regime in South Vietnam.

Promised elections never took place. Misguided by their own Cold War ideology, the United States failed to recognize the popular support for national independence and sent increasing numbers of troops to back up a puppet regime in South Vietnam. Only in 1975 did Vietnam get the independence it could, and should, have had thirty years earlier.

It did not develop into the socialist society some had hoped for. However, it seems to have handled the COVID-19 pandemic in recent months rather better than its former imperial mentors in France, the United States, or Britain.

Imperial Legacies

The French had learned nothing and forgotten nothing. Shortly after the liquidation of the Indochinese war, a rebellion broke out in Algeria. A government headed by SFIO leader Guy Mollet escalated military repression. François Mitterrand (later a Socialist president) was responsible for the execution of rebel prisoners.

The PCF ran a lukewarm campaign for “peace” instead of calling for Algerian independence, and they failed to back revolts by conscripts refusing to go to Algeria. Only in 1962 did De Gaulle, who had returned to power after a political crisis, look reality in the face and negotiate Algerian independence. By then, most of the French empire had been liquidated.

President Emmanuel Macron has recognized that France’s colonial history in Algeria involved “crimes against humanity.” But the statue of Jules Ferry still stands in the Tuileries Garden in Paris, near the Louvre Museum. Perhaps it is time for it to fall.

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Alexei Navalny pictured in December. He was taken to a hospital in Omsk and later transferred to Berlin. (photo: Dimitar Dilkoff/Getty)
Alexei Navalny pictured in December. He was taken to a hospital in Omsk and later transferred to Berlin. (photo: Dimitar Dilkoff/Getty)


Alexei Navalny Poisoned With Novichok, Says German Government
Philip Oltermann and Shaun Walker, Guardian UK
Excerpt: "Angela Merkel has demanded answers from the Kremlin over the 'attempted murder' of the Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny, after toxicological exams at Berlin's Charité hospital indicated 'unequivocally' that Navalny was poisoned with a nerve agent from the novichok family."
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Police use of tear gas during protests in Portland may have entered the Willamette River. (photo: AP)
Police use of tear gas during protests in Portland may have entered the Willamette River. (photo: AP)


Tear Gas Used During Portland Protests Raises Concern About Pollution
Associated Press
Excerpt: "The presence of U.S. agents has diminished in Portland, Oregon, but city officials are still cleaning up tear gas residue from the streets, dirt and possibly the storm drains after the chemical was used frequently by both police and federal officers during more than two months of often-violent protests over racial injustice."

The Portland Bureau of Environmental Services cleaned and took samples from six storm drains last week around the federal courthouse and a building with a police station and jail that have been targeted in nightly demonstrations. Environmental officials aimed to prevent pollutants from reaching the Willamette River, which runs through downtown and is popular with kayakers, canoeists and boaters, and determine the possible impact if contaminants did flow into the waterway.

“There is no American city, that I am aware of, that has endured the level of tear gas,” agency spokeswoman Diane Dulken said. “We are researching and looking through environmental literature. What are these materials and their toxicity?”

Officials said they’re testing for pollutants that are found in crowd control agents such as the heavy metals zinc, lead, copper and chromium.

Dulken said there is no evidence yet of tear gas residue reaching the river, “but it’s also hard to say because there is so much unknown about the materials and so much unknown about the quantities.”

U.S. Rep. Earl Blumenauer of Oregon and state Rep. Karin Power sent a letter last month to the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency and the Oregon Department of Environmental Quality requesting an investigation into “the public health and environmental risks of tear gas and other chemicals to people, wildlife, aquatic life and local air and water quality.”

Blumenauer and Power asked the EPA for information on what kind of chemicals federal agents used and how the residue will be cleaned up.

“We don’t know yet what has been deployed, but we aim to find out,” Power said.

The protests over racist policing often ended with a fog of tear gas as federal agents tried to disperse the crowd. Before they arrived, local police frequently deployed it. The protests started after the police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis, dwindled to smaller groups that spread chaos and grew again when President Donald Trump sent federal agents to the liberal city in early July. Violence has persisted, but the gatherings over the last week have been much smaller and targeted local police facilities.

Demonstrators and city officials said agents’ use of tear gas was excessive, but U.S. authorities said it was necessary to protect federal property and officers as protesters hurled objects like cans of beans, bottles and fireworks.

Robert Griffin, who is the dean of the College of Emergency Preparedness, Homeland Security and Cybersecurity at the University at Albany in New York, said he was “a little bit appalled” by the use of tear gas.

“If you put a cloud of gas into a crowd, it’s going to affect the old, it’s going to affect the young, it’s going to affect the youth. It doesn’t pick,” Griffin said. “The problem is, if the wind shifts, it will go into areas that it was never intended to go.”

While local officials have called for a study on the impact of the chemical irritants, Griffin said that should have been done much earlier.

“We should be putting money into understanding the long-term health and impacts of these technologies because they are being used on our own citizens,” Griffin said.

Sven-Eric Jordt, an associate professor and researcher at Duke University’s School of Medicine who has extensively studied tear gas, said the majority of data used to justify its use is outdated, having been generated in the 1950s, ‘60s and ’70s.

“It’s really very distressful that the science is really so old,” Jordt said.

Documents listing the ingredients in the gas, as well as the amount used on Portland protesters, haven’t been released.

“I really think that the federal government and also local health departments have really neglected their duty to reinvestigate the safety of tear gas,” Jordt said.

At the end of July, federal authorities were pulled back from downtown Portland and the cleanup began.

The city Bureau of Environmental Services received reports of power-washing that possibly flushed contaminants from the streets into storm drains. While some lead to a sewer system, the drains surrounding the federal courthouse lead directly to the Willamette River. Officials told city workers to put buffers around storm drains while cleaning.

The river has a history of pollution, which was stained with sewage as often as 50 times a year and for decades carried industrial pollution from several Oregon cities. Today, people swim in the river that’s now considered safe.

Dulken said Portland has worked to be proactive about stopping pollutants from reaching the river, including any tear gas residue.

Authorities took samples from the entry and exit points of the storm drains and expect results later this month, which could lead to further cleanup.

“What is the effect? We don’t know,” Dulken said.

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This Weekend in Politics, Bulletin 441.

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