Showing posts with label OREGON WILDFIRES. Show all posts
Showing posts with label OREGON WILDFIRES. Show all posts

Sunday, September 13, 2020

RSN: Dennis J Bernstein | Free the Children, Joe: A Yaki/Chicano Perspective on What Biden Must Do to Secure an Overwhelming "Brown Vote" in 2020

 

 

Reader Supported News
13 September 20


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Reader Supported News
12 September 20

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WHO ARE YOU AND HOW DO WE GET YOU TO CONTRIBUTE? How is it possible that our readership is increasing while the number of people contributing is decreasing? Who are the readers we have now? These are not the readers we have had in the past. Who comes to “Reader Supported News” and will not contribute? What is that mindset? It’s a question that we have to find the answer to. Quickly. / Marc Ash, Founder Reader Supported News

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RSN: Dennis J Bernstein | Free the Children, Joe: A Yaki/Chicano Perspective on What Biden Must Do to Secure an Overwhelming "Brown Vote" in 2020
Migrants are loaded onto a bus by Border Patrol agents in El Paso, Texas. (photo: Joe Raedle/Getty Images)
Dennis J Bernstein, Reader Supported News
Bernstein writes: "Most sane Democrats, and more and more Republicans, are shifting their support to former vice president Joe Biden."
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Health care workers at Brooklyn's Kings County Hospital. (photo: AP)
Health care workers at Brooklyn's Kings County Hospital. (photo: AP)


Dhruv Khullar | It Will Take More Than a Vaccine to Beat COVID-19
Dhruv Khullar, The New Yorker
Khullar writes: "The first outbreak of polio in the United States struck Rutland County, Vermont, in the summer of 1894. The disease began with fever, sore throat, and fatigue; it sometimes went on to damage the brain and spinal cord, paralyzing or even killing its hosts."

Vaccines are making progress, but they may not defeat the virus completely. Luckily, other therapies are on the way, too.

 Charles Caverly, a local physician, chronicled the devastation using detailed maps and notes. “Boy, 10 years; died within twenty-four hours with convulsions,” he wrote. “Boy, 10 months; died on sixth day, all extremities paralyzed. . . . Girl, 11 years; died on third day, no paralysis noted. . . . Male, 22 years; died on third day, both legs paralyzed.” Within weeks, a hundred and thirty-two people, mostly children, had been paralyzed, and eighteen had died.

In the coming decades, polio became a familiar menace. Summer, when the virus exacted its heaviest toll, was dubbed “polio season.” The virus crippled children and adults, often paralyzing their respiratory muscles and confining thousands to iron lungs. In 1916, New York City recorded nine thousand cases of polio and six thousand deaths. In August of 1921, Franklin Roosevelt, then a thirty-nine-year-old lawyer, fell off a sailboat and into the icy waters of the Bay of Fundy; the next day, he noticed lower-back pain, and within a week he could no longer stand. The pace and size of outbreaks accelerated. Even though the polio death rate declined in the decades that followed, owing to advances in medical care, the virus still disabled more than thirty-five thousand people a year during the nineteen-forties. In 1952—the year the virus peaked in America—nearly sixty thousand people were infected, and more than three thousand died. Parents refused to let their kids play outside. Cities introduced social-distancing measures. Summer camps were cancelled; schools were shut down; bars and theatres closed.

As bad as polio was, it wasn’t the only infectious disease stalking mid-century America. In the early nineteen-hundreds, tuberculosis began to compete with influenza for the title of the world’s deadliest disease. TB, which is caused by a bacterium that burrows into the lungs and other organs, spreads through coughing, sneezing, and talking; the Industrial Revolution, which brought huge crowds together in urban neighborhoods and workplaces, made it more likely to spread. In some people, TB lies dormant, sometimes for decades. In others, it becomes active, causing a quick and violent death: bedsheets drenched in sweat, sputum mixed with blood, a wasting away so severe that the disease was known as consumption. TB’s toll was greatest among vulnerable populations: immigrants, prisoners, the poor. The death rate for minorities was three times higher than for whites. In 1953, the United States saw more than eighty-four thousand new infections, and nearly twenty thousand deaths. In 1962, forty-one years after her husband was diagnosed with polio, Eleanor Roosevelt died, at age seventy-eight, from complications of tuberculosis.

The total elimination of polio in the United States and the near-complete eradication of tuberculosis are two of this country’s greatest public-health success stories. And yet they are strikingly different in their details. Polio was defeated by a silver bullet: Jonas Salk introduced a polio vaccine, administered by injection, in 1955; a few years later, Albert Sabin developed an oral version. As a result, in the nineteen-sixties, the number of polio cases plummeted to fewer than a hundred, and in the seventies it fell to fewer than ten; no one has contracted the virus in the United States since 1979. By contrast, there is no comparable vaccine for tuberculosis. The B.C.G. vaccine, introduced in 1921, is effective against TB only about half the time, and is not given to the vast majority of Americans.

Instead, TB has been beaten back incrementally, using a host of imperfect medical and public-health advances. In the nineteen-forties, Selman Waksman, a microbiologist at Rutgers University, isolated streptomycin, the first antibiotic effective against tuberculosis. Streptomycin had serious side effects, including nerve damage, and quickly led to bacterial resistance; as a result, several other drugs were developed. Used alone, none works particularly well, but a cocktail given over a period of months can cure the infection. Meanwhile, testing for TB became readily available across the United States. (For some people, such as hospital workers, it became required.) Public-health protocols were developed: new cases of TB were reported immediately to departments of health, which moved to isolate patients and trace their contacts. (Those systems remain in place today: as a physician, the first time I wore an N95 mask was while treating a patient with TB.) Along with ongoing improvements in American housing and sanitation, these developments made the disease both less infectious and less deadly. Today, around the world, ten million people contract TB each year, and a million and a half die of it; multidrug-resistant tuberculosis, which is harder to treat, is spreading in some developing countries. But the United States is recording fewer tuberculosis infections now than at any point in the nation’s history: about nine thousand cases each year, and around five hundred deaths.

In fighting the new coronavirus, we all want a silver-bullet cure: the polio model. In April, the federal government launched Operation Warp Speed, a ten-billion-dollar effort to expedite, through government-industry partnerships, the development, manufacturing, and distribution of a coronavirus vaccine. The goal is ambitious: three hundred million doses by January, 2021. Anthony Fauci, the director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, believes it is plausible. “My hope, my expectation, is that we’ll have not one but multiple vaccines in 2021,” he told me.

In the popular imagination, a coronavirus vaccine will bring the pandemic to a decisive end. And yet not all vaccines are as powerful as the one Salk developed. Many vaccines are only partly effective, or work better for some age groups than others; the immunity a vaccine confers can wane with time, and a shot that’s hard to manufacture or distribute could remain unavailable to many of us. Last week, the Centers for Disease Control sent a letter to state governments telling them to prepare for the possible distribution of a coronavirus vaccine this fall; it described the progress of “Vaccine A” and “Vaccine B”—almost certainly the vaccines being developed by Pfizer and Moderna, respectively. Though these vaccines are promising, there is no guarantee that they will be cure-alls. “Unless you have a perfect vaccine, which very few are, you’ll always have people who end up getting sick,” Fauci said. “With or without a vaccine, we’re going to need other treatments.”

We could get lucky. But we need to be prepared for the possibility that, in the absence of a single-shot cure, it will be the tuberculosis model—incremental, simultaneous progress on multiple fronts—that gets us through the coronavirus pandemic. It’s a good thing, then, that vaccine research programs aren’t the only ones progressing at unprecedented speed. Three kinds of therapies currently in development—antiviral drugs, antibodies, and immunomodulators—may be ready soon. Alone or in combination with a vaccine, they could help us turn the tide.

There are lots of ways to fight back against SARS-CoV-2 and COVID-19, the disease it causes. We can limit the virus’s spread in the population at large; we can also build barriers against infection for at-risk people, such as caregivers or essential workers, in particular. We can devise therapies that prevent the newly infected from getting worse, and we can create interventions that target the sickest and give them a fighting chance. By surrounding the virus in this way, we can make it less contagious and lethal, changing the character of the pandemic.

Vaccines take the first approach: they fight the virus by hampering its spread in the general population. According to the World Health Organization, there are at least a hundred and seventy vaccine trials taking place around the world. The two vaccines that the C.D.C. is watching for this fall could be ready so soon because they are being produced using a new method, developed within the past decade, that promises to be vastly faster than anything that’s come before. In the past, a vaccine scientist might have isolated a pathogen, grown it in eggs or cells, and injected a weakened, dead, or sliced-up version into a patient, hoping to provoke a lasting immune response. Each virus required its own approach, the process took years, and the results were variable. Today, she can use new advances in vaccine “platforms,” or delivery vehicles, to move faster. A platform is like a car that can transport different passengers. Before, building a vaccine required building the car. Now, the genetic material of the SARS-CoV-2 virus can be loaded onto a harmless, pre-designed virus—or, in the case of Moderna’s vaccine, onto messenger RNA—and delivered into human cells with relative ease.

Using its platform, Moderna developed its vaccine, mRNA-1273, within forty-two days of seeing the virus’s genetic sequence; the company took just six months to complete Phase I trials, a process that historically has taken three to nine years. “If you have a good platform, you can basically plug in any antigen,” Boris Juelg, an assistant professor at Harvard who is working on a vaccine with Johnson & Johnson, told me. “From a safety perspective, it’s nice to know a vector has already been given to thousands of people. You feel really good about that.” Still, no matter how a vaccine is developed, it takes time to prove it safe and effective. Even those leading the government’s vaccine efforts have signalled that the timeline laid out by the Administration is either extraordinarily optimistic or unrealistic. Larry Corey, who leads a network of vaccine-trial sites supported by the National Institutes of Health, has said that it will likely take seven months, from the start of the first clinical trials in July, to learn if a vaccine works: that “simple math,” he says, suggests that meaningful results won’t arrive until February, at the earliest. According to Moncef Slaoui, the head of Operation Warp Speed’s vaccine-development efforts, there is a “very, very low chance” of a vaccine being approved by Election Day. (Slaoui has said that he will resign if he feels political pressure to green-light an unsafe or ineffective vaccine.)

Validating a vaccine isn’t the end of the process. “Getting it rolled out from there will be massively challenging,” Juelg said. “Even if a vaccine is safe and effective, that doesn’t mean people can just walk into their primary-care doctor’s office the next day and get it.” In its letter, the C.D.C. indicated that, even if trial results come quickly and are favorable, only a few million doses of the new vaccines would be available at first—nowhere near enough to create herd immunity or fundamentally alter the economic and social disruptions of the pandemic. Both of the vaccines it described, moreover, must be stored at subzero temperatures—Moderna’s at four degrees below zero, Pfizer’s at ninety-four below—and require two doses, spaced weeks apart, to work. Distributing and administering them will not be easy.

Finally, of course, Americans must be convinced to take the vaccine in numbers high enough to conquer the coronavirus. Fauci told me that he worries about how vaccine science is being communicated to the public. “I never liked the ‘warp speed’ terminology,” he said. “It suggests, incorrectly, that you’re rushing things. Whenever people hear things are being rushed, they worry about safety. They think you’re prematurely putting something out there that isn’t entirely safe.” The speed in Operation Warp Speed, he said, really has to do with the reduction of financial risk: the government has committed to buying millions of doses of vaccines before they are proven. “If a vaccine doesn’t work, you’ve lost a few hundred million dollars,” Fauci said. “If it does work, if it’s safe and effective, you’ve saved four, five, six months of waiting to get people the vaccine. That’s huge.”

Even before the pandemic, American politicians and celebrities fomented vaccine skepticism with debunked safety concerns. In recent years, vaccine hesitancy has grown, and many Americans are now dubious about vaccines with proven track records. (In 2019, because of vaccine hesitancy, the country experienced its largest measles outbreak in decades.) A new COVID-19 vaccine won’t have years of safety data behind it. “For a vaccine to be trusted, you need time and you need evidence that people who get it don’t end up having major issues later on,” Peter Bach, a drug-policy expert at Memorial Sloan-Kettering, told me. “Even if we get a vaccine, it wouldn’t surprise me to see many parents making the very rational decision not to vaccinate their children without long-term safety data.” Recent polling suggests that between a third and half of Americans would choose not to get vaccinated against the coronavirus, even if a vaccine were cheap and easily available. The case will be further complicated if a vaccine is only partly effective, or requires multiple doses, or if it’s unclear how long immunity lasts. If only part of the population gets vaccinated, any notion of immediate herd immunity is a pipe dream.

All this suggests that a silver-bullet vaccine may not be in the cards, at least not right away. “Hoping that a vaccine will quickly change the course of this pandemic is, I think, hoping for the least likely outcome,” Bach said. “I wouldn’t bet the future of our society on a COVID vaccine.” And yet even a partially effective, partially adopted vaccine, combined with contact tracing and social distancing, could still make an incremental difference. Each person vaccinated would be a person who is less likely to get sick, and so less likely to pass the virus on to others. Depending on the vaccine’s effectiveness, those who’d received it might be able to rest easier. The virus’s momentum would slow, at least a little.

Antiviral drugs fight the virus in a different way from vaccines. A vaccine gets your immune system ready before an infection; it’s like an intelligence report telling your body to get ready for an incoming surprise attack. Antiviral drugs are useful after the invading force has arrived; they fight back by sabotaging it. As Matthew Hutson explained earlier this year, in his survey of antiviral-drug development, an antiviral might work by inserting faulty material into viral genomes, by restraining the enzymes that a virus uses to weave itself into our DNA, or by blocking the proteins that a virus needs to mature. Doctors now see COVID-19 as a disease with two phases: in early and mild cases, replication of the virus seems to drive symptoms, but in later and more severe illness it’s our own overexuberant immune response that damages the body. Antivirals generally work best in the first phase, before critical illness has set in. Remdesivir, the only antiviral shown to work against the coronavirus so far, is largely ineffective for patients who are intubated or need high levels of oxygen—they are in the second, immune-focussed stage of the disease—but it can hasten COVID-19 recovery by about four days in people with less severe illness, in whom viral replication is still driving symptoms. Researchers are working on other, more powerful antivirals, which could replace remdesivir or work in concert with it.

To understand the difference antiviral therapies could make in the fight against COVID-19, you should first understand that, right now, doctors have very few therapies at their disposal. When I first began caring for COVID-19 patients, in March, just as the pandemic exploded across New York City, we made great strides in understanding the course of the disease and reorganizing our hospital to accommodate the surge. But the few proposed remedies we tried, such as the drugs hydroxychloroquine and azithromycin, failed. We quickly discovered that the best we could do was support our patients while they battled the virus themselves. We laid people on their bellies to allow their lungs to expand; we tried multiple oxygen-delivery devices; we connected the most desperate to ventilators, hoping that their immune systems could mount the fight we couldn’t. Antiviral drugs would give us a weapon against the virus.

We’ve long used antivirals to treat viruses such as herpes and influenza. But they’re perhaps best known as a treatment for H.I.V. The first H.I.V. antiviral, AZT, was introduced in 1987, six years after AIDS was identified. In 1995, effective “combination antivirals” arrived; they used separate mechanisms to attack the virus simultaneously, “cornering” it so that it couldn’t mutate its way around a single drug, in a phenomenon known as viral escape. We’re likely to move faster with the coronavirus, both because there are so many more infections, giving researchers more opportunities for study, and because of how rapidly the disease unfolds. It takes nine years, on average, for an H.I.V. infection to progress to AIDS. The coronavirus leads quickly to acute illness, and so a researcher knows within weeks if a treatment worked.

So far, coronavirus research has focussed mostly on hospitalized patients. But it’s giving antivirals to those who never require hospitalization that could change the course of the pandemic. Treated people will walk around shedding less virus, reducing the chance that they’ll pass it to others. Treatment, if it’s given early enough, becomes a form of prevention.

The concept of treatment as prevention for viral diseases gained momentum in 2011, after a landmark study found that H.I.V. patients who started antiviral medications early were much less likely to pass the virus on to their partners. (The reduction in H.I.V. transmission was so large that the study’s results were released nearly four years ahead of schedule: it became unethical to continue withholding treatment from the control group.) As antiviral drugs became safer, with fewer side effects, the strategy was extended to people who didn’t yet have H.I.V. but were at risk of contracting it. So-called pre-exposure prophylaxis, or PrEP, in which high-risk, H.I.V.-negative individuals take antiviral drugs, is now a major tactic for preventing viral spread. When used correctly, and in concert with condoms, PrEP almost completely eliminates the risk of acquiring H.I.V. Doctors now use the same approach for influenza, prescribing the antiviral drug Tamiflu to nursing-home residents, postpartum women, and people with chronic conditions who are at risk for serious complications from the flu.

Could antivirals be used prophylactically for vulnerable people who haven’t yet been infected with the coronavirus? Remdesivir can be given only intravenously, which limits its applications. But an oral antiviral drug, known as MK-4482—previously known as EIDD-2801—is being developed by Merck and Ridgeback Biotherapeutics. In June, the drug entered Phase II trials; its creators hope that, in infected patients, it will be able to reduce the virus to undetectable levels within days. It’s easy to imagine how such a drug could be given to people who test positive for the coronavirus but who don’t require hospitalization—and even to those with whom they’ve had close contact. There are some preliminary signs that MK-4482, which was originally developed as an influenza treatment, may also work against other coronaviruses, including the ones that cause MERS and SARS. “At least in vitro, it seems to have pan-coronavirus activity,” Nicholas Kartsonis, who’s leading the medication’s development at Merck, told me. Ideally, it could be used against not just this coronavirus but others. “If the virus mutates again, and there’s a pandemic in the future, we might not have to ride this roller coaster all over again,” Kartsonis said.

In early April, I admitted John, a middle-aged man, to the hospital. In the days before I met him, John had visited two other emergency departments. He’d been feeling unwell—tired, feverish, coughing—but the oxygen in his blood had held steady, and he’d been told to isolate at home and return if the symptoms worsened. Eventually, his breathing grew labored; three days after his arrival, he was on a ventilator in the I.C.U. For weeks before John took a turn for the worse, both he and his doctors knew he had the coronavirus—but, during all that time, they had no medications to give him or the people he might have infected. I can’t say for sure that antivirals would have helped John, who remained debilitated and delirious weeks after coming off the ventilator. But it’s easy to see how antivirals prescribed after his first emergency-department visit—as azithromycin Z-Paks are prescribed to patients with pneumonia—could have halted his morbid progression and made a difference for others.

Like antivirals, antibodies interfere with an invader’s spread inside the body. Unlike antivirals, they are made by our own cells—and so the trick is to transfer them from one body to another. Therapies based on the transfer of antibodies have a long and storied history. In the early eighteen-nineties, two physician-scientists working in Berlin, Emil Adolf von Behring and Kitasato Shibasaburō, took blood from animals that had recovered from diphtheria and found that, transfused, it could prevent or cure the infection in other animals. They worked with guinea pigs, goats, and horses. Soon, though, the therapy was being used to treat people around the world. In 1896, it was hailed by The Lancet as “the most important advance of the Century in the medical treatment of acute infective disease.”

In 1901, von Behring won the first Nobel Prize in Medicine. In the following decades, blood from recovered patients—called “convalescent plasma” or “convalescent serum,” depending on which blood products were isolated—was used to treat pneumonia, meningitis, anthrax, measles, chicken pox, and other diseases. It was also deployed during the 1918 flu pandemic, when researchers found that it led to reductions in mortality. Studies from a century ago have limitations; still, most infectious-disease specialists agree that the treatment probably helped.

The use of serum therapies declined precipitously in the nineteen-forties, as antibiotics became widely available. That was partly because animal serum created substantial complications when it was used to treat people. It often caused fevers, chills, and other allergic reactions; its efficacy might vary from batch to batch; its antibodies had to be matched to specific strains of human pathogens. (There might be several varieties of a given virus or bacterium in circulation at any one time.) Antibiotics were equal-opportunity destroyers—safe, reliable, and easy to produce. In the nineteen-nineties, interest in convalescent plasma rebounded, because many previously tamed pathogens had developed resistance to antibiotics; by then, human blood was also being used, and the process was much safer. In patients sickened by SARSH1N1 influenza, and Ebola, convalescent plasma showed potential for lowering virus levels and, in some cases, death rates. But evidence from gold-standard randomized trials is still lacking. By the time well-controlled studies of the therapy had got under way, the viruses had moved on to other locations, which meant that new patients had to be enrolled.

In August, the F.D.A. granted an emergency-use authorization for convalescent plasma as a therapy for COVID-19. Its decision was based on an unpublished study by researchers at the Mayo Clinic; the study lacked a control group and has not been peer-reviewed, but it found that patients who received convalescent plasma within three days of being hospitalized were somewhat less likely to die than those who got the treatment later in their stay. In a press conference, Stephen Hahn, the commissioner of the F.D.A., exaggerated the proven benefits of the treatment based on those preliminary findings, drawing widespread criticism from scientists and policymakers. (He later apologized.) Meanwhile, the panel of experts assembled by the N.I.H. to develop COVID-19 treatment guidelines issued a statement arguing that there is currently “insufficient data to recommend either for or against the use of convalescent plasma for the treatment of COVID-19”; the panel concluded that “well-controlled, adequately powered randomized trials” are needed.

More than seventy thousand Americans have already received convalescent-plasma therapy for COVID-19. Bach, the drug-policy expert, is appalled that the United States has not completed a single randomized controlled trial to judge its efficacy. “It’s an abomination,” he said. “I can’t believe none of these world-class institutions have run a proper RCT to get definitive evidence of effectiveness. Tens of thousands of Americans have received it, and we still don’t really know if it works.” Liise-anne Pirofski, the chief of the division of infectious diseases at Albert Einstein College of Medicine and Montefiore Medical Center, in the Bronx, is trying to fix that problem. Pirofski has studied antibody-based immunity for nearly three decades, and is now leading a large, multi-hospital, randomized trial studying the use of convalescent plasma. Over the years, she has often found herself advocating a snubbed therapy. Now the lack of effective treatment for COVID-19 has created an opportunity. “Many of us are very excited right now,” Pirofski told me. “This could be the moment people realize that antibody-based therapies have an important role in the treatment of infectious disease.”

And yet questions persist about how useful, reliable, and widely available a blood-based treatment can be. The antibodies produced by the immune system are of variable quality. The plasma of a COVID-19 patient might contain thousands of different kinds of antibodies against SARS-CoV-2, only a portion of which are effective. (Some, for instance, might successfully target the virus’s crownlike spike proteins, which allow entry into human cells; others could attach to less important viral structures.) Moreover, in an evolutionary game of cat and mouse, viruses have developed decoy antigens specially designed to lure host immune systems into developing ineffective antibodies.

Pharmaceutical companies, therefore, are now trying to isolate the most effective SARS-CoV-2 antibodies, so they can develop powerful antibody drugs, known as “monoclonal antibodies,” that can be manufactured at scale. These antibodies are grown in vats of cells, then separated out so that they can be given to people. In July, Regeneron, a biotechnology company based in Tarrytown, New York, announced that it would move its antibody drug, REGN-COV2, into Phase III trials; it is hoping to enroll two thousand patients across a hundred sites. “We’re trying to isolate the best antibodies to fight COVID-19 and produce them in large amounts,” Christos Kyratsous, who is leading the drug’s development, told me. REGN-COV2 contains a combination of two antibodies thought to be particularly effective for neutralizing the virus; a combination approach could also prevent viral escape. “Viruses can mutate very quickly, but, given what we know about SARS-CoV-2, I think it’s unlikely it will evade two antibodies at the same time,” he explained. Regeneron is testing the drug’s efficacy in different contexts: before people are exposed, after they’ve been exposed, and after they’ve contracted the virus.

To date, the F.D.A. has approved just one virus-targeting antibody drug: a medication for the respiratory syncytial virus (R.S.V.), which causes the common cold in healthy children and adults but can lead to devastating illness in preterm infants. A second medication—an Ebola-antibody drug that Kyratsous helped to develop—is currently under review. (Experience with the Ebola drug, he said, helped Regeneron move fast with the coronavirus.) Regeneron recently received a four-hundred-and-fifty-million-dollar contract from the federal government to start manufacturing REGN-COV2 while clinical trials are ongoing. If the drug works, it will be available to Americans immediately. (Because antibodies can’t be packaged into a pill—they’re easily digested by stomach acid—they must be given as an I.V. infusion, or as an injection into the muscle or under the skin.)

At the height of the city’s pandemic, I cared for a woman who worked as an I.C.U. nurse across town. She had started coughing many days earlier, and, as her condition worsened, her husband cared for her. I phoned him each afternoon—our hospital allowed no visitors—until, one day, he landed in the bed next to hers. Their paths diverged: when she was ready to go home, he was on his way to the I.C.U. It’s easy to picture how, in their case, antibodies and antivirals might have been used together. As a high-risk essential worker, she might have been given prophylactic antivirals to reduce her chance of getting the coronavirus; after she’d been infected, the drugs could have helped her beat the virus and made her less likely to pass it on. If she’d still developed symptoms, her husband could have begun antivirals, and both spouses could have benefitted from antibody therapy, which might have prevented their illnesses from progressing. (In the end, he joined her back at home—but after days in the I.C.U. and weeks in a recovery unit.) At every step, the virus would have been surrounded by hostile counterattacks. “It’s very possible that this disease will require more than one type of intervention,” Pirofski said. “The combination of an antiviral and an antibody could be superior to either alone.”

For physicians, there are few things as distressing as watching a patient’s slow, mortal decline with few remedies to offer. This spring, I cared for a woman I’ll call Ruth. She was advanced in years but youthful in spirit. When I met her, I wondered whether she might be better off recovering at home: she had mild symptoms and few preëxisting medical conditions. When I asked her if she felt up to walking, she told me that she’d rather dance. By the next morning, though, her demeanor had changed. She spoke in short sentences, pausing to catch her breath. Each day, her breathing deteriorated, and the oxygen levels in her blood declined. As her condition worsened, the level of inflammation in her body surged. She became delirious, and her organs started to shut down. I called her son, who told me that they’d had the conversation long ago: she didn’t want machines keeping her alive. He said goodbye through tears, over FaceTime, as his mother, eyes closed, took shallow breaths from an oxygen mask.

Autopsies of patients who have died of COVID-19 reveal that the SARS-CoV-2 virus infiltrates many vital organs. But the primary battlefield is the lungs—more precisely, the intricate network of air sacs, or alveoli, that allows humans to exchange carbon dioxide and oxygen. As the disease progresses, the virus saturates the lungs, and the body, in a frantic effort to respond, drums up an immunologic storm, unleashing a flood of immune cells that fights the virus but also causes collateral damage. This is when the second phase of the disease begins. Alveoli are exceedingly delicate, and during the immune system’s onslaught their membranes are compromised; fluid leaks into the air spaces, dead cells and proteins create blockages, and maintenance molecules cease to function. Many alveoli collapse entirely, closing off the body’s microscopic conduits to the outside world. In this second, later phase, a drug that shuts down viral replication might no longer help. “Early on, you want the immune system to be working hard,” Fauci told me. “You want to help it fight the virus. But, in advanced disease, it’s less about what the virus is doing and more about the immune system spiralling out of control.”

Immunomodulating drugs don’t stop the virus from replicating; instead, they try to restrain this devastating hyperinflammatory cascade. There’s mounting evidence that these medications could work for patients in the second phase of COVID-19. The most widely cited example is dexamethasone, an inexpensive, generic steroid that quickly and powerfully suppresses multiple arms of the immune system. Early in the pandemic, it wasn’t clear whether steroids were helpful or harmful, but, in June, a major study from the United Kingdom found that dexamethasone can have large beneficial effects for severely ill COVID-19 patients: it reduced by one-third the chance that intubated patients would die, and, for people on oxygen but not mechanical ventilation, it lowered the risk of death by a fifth. In American hospitals, dexamethasone is now routinely given to patients with severe COVID-19; the drug may be partly responsible for our declining death rates. The search is on for more, better immunomodulators.

Michael Mansour, an infectious-disease doctor and an assistant professor at Harvard, is one of many researchers working to unravel the complex relationship between the coronavirus and the immune system. “We’re trying to figure out when someone crosses over from the viral phase to the immune-dysregulation phase,” Mansour said. “We need to thread the needle, to find the right balance.” Patients with COVID-19 have dozens of immune-signalling molecules, called cytokines, surging through their blood at various times during the illness; cytokines serve as alert signs, telling the body where to mount its immune response. Which cytokines are provoking destructive reactions? Can they be targeted? “Steroids are really the nuclear option,” Mansour said. “They shut down pretty much everything. We’re trying to see if we can be more selective in how we curb the immune system.”

Mansour’s team is exploring whether inhibiting one particularly rambunctious cytokine, interleukin-6, might prevent complications later in the course of COVID-19. IL-6 is known to set off a robust inflammatory cascade, and is implicated in a number of autoimmune conditions, including vasculitis and rheumatoid arthritis. A small study of twenty-one patients in China found that those who received a drug called tocilizumab, which is an IL-6 inhibitor, experienced marked reductions in inflammation and the need for oxygen. Mansour’s team enrolled hundreds of patients across seven Boston-area hospitals in a study, randomly assigning participants to tocilizumab or a placebo. Mansour expects to have results later this year, but, even if tocilizumab doesn’t help—two recent studies of IL-6 inhibitors have returned negative results—he believes that tinkering with the immune system will ultimately be a key part of our COVID-19 strategy.

There are plenty of ways to modulate the immune system: different drugs target different parts of its incredibly complex machinery. “With immunomodulators, we’re in a land of riches,” Mansour said. “There have been so many agents developed over the years.” Many are used to treat autoimmune diseases, such as psoriasis, multiple sclerosis, or Crohn’s disease, and carry names that end with “mab”—short for monoclonal antibody. (Unlike virus-neutralizing antibody drugs, such as the one being produced by Regeneron, these drugs target parts of the immune system—not the virus itself.) There’s infliximab and adalimumab; tocilizumab and trastuzumab; ustekinumab and canakinumab. “There’s tons of stuff on the shelf here,” Mansour said. “I don’t think we’ll have to develop new COVID-19 immunomodulators. We already have drugs that are safe and targeted. It’s a matter of testing different classes to see what works best.”

Patients like Ruth seem to cross a border in their experience with COVID-19: once they’re on the other side, their bodies begin to work against them. Too often, in this latter phase, when the illness is less about viral replication and more about human immune systems, we’re powerless. Immunomodulators may help us bring both the body and the disease to heel.

How will we know when these new interventions are beginning to make a decisive difference? Epidemiologists quantify a disease’s lethality by calculating its “case-fatality rate”—a number that expresses the percentage of people who, having got the disease, go on to die from it. The number is crucial for determining how concerned we should be about a disease’s spread, and how aggressively we should move to stop it. The case-fatality rate for the coronavirus has been hard to pin down, in part because it’s never quite clear how many people have been infected. (Recent data from the C.D.C. suggest that there may be many times more infections than have been confirmed, which would make the virus more contagious and less lethal than we think.) And yet, whatever the rate, the dozens of therapies in development will almost certainly decrease it. Lower it enough and the world-stopping phase of the pandemic could come to an end.

Not long ago, I found myself talking with Rajesh Gandhi, an infectious-disease doctor at Massachusetts General Hospital. Gandhi is the incoming chair of the H.I.V. Medicine Association, and has treated patients with H.I.V. for decades. (In the past, many of them also developed active tuberculosis, because of their weakened immune systems.) He now serves as an expert on the N.I.H. panel developing COVID-19 treatment guidelines. “At the beginning, there was nothing we could do,” he recalled, of the AIDS crisis. “We watched as people slowly died.” AIDS is a disease that’s been largely tamed using the TB model. There is no silver-bullet vaccine for H.I.V.; the virus still circulates around the world. But, in a relatively short span of time, in the mid-nineteen-nineties, a number of different therapies came together to make a pivotal difference in its lethality. Combined with public-health measures, those therapies have changed the world’s relationship to that virus. It is still a threat—but it’s a manageable one.

During this pandemic, I have often felt at a loss. At patients’ bedsides, I’ve experienced uncertainty and helplessness; the fear of getting sick myself, or of infecting my family, has followed me home from the hospital each day. In the evenings, when I’ve had the time and energy, I’ve turned to books and essays written by doctors during the first years of the AIDS epidemic. The challenges that they describe have felt familiar, and their accounts have given me hope. One step at a time, medical and scientific advances eventually subdued that deadly virus. They could do the same for the coronavirus. “With H.I.V., it was never just one thing,” Gandhi told me. “It was a lot of little things that added up to a big thing.”

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Officials continue to call for mass evacuations. (photo: Josh Edelson/AFP/Getty Images)
Officials continue to call for mass evacuations. (photo: Josh Edelson/AFP/Getty Images)


Oregon's Largest Firefighting Helicopters Are Deployed in Afghanistan as the State Burns
Matthew Gault, VICE
Gault writes: "Huge swaths of Oregon are on fire, and the state has evacuated 500,000 residents. Teams of firefighters are battling the blaze, but more than 900,000 acres of forest have already been lost to the fire."
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Central American migrant carries her child just after she was sent to Mexico from the U.S. (photo: Carlos Jasso/Reuters)
Central American migrant carries her child just after she was sent to Mexico from the U.S. (photo: Carlos Jasso/Reuters)


Nearly 9,000 Migrant Children Have Been Expelled Under Pandemic Border Policy, Court Documents Say
Camilo Montoya-Galvez, CBS News
Montoya-Galvez writes: "At least 8,800 migrant children who arrived at the southern border without their parents have been swiftly expelled from the country and denied U.S. refuge during the pandemic under an emergency policy, the Trump administration told a federal court on Friday."
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The bronze statue known as 'At Ready' stood for 111 years. (photo: WP)
The bronze statue known as 'At Ready' stood for 111 years. (photo: WP)


Crowd Cheers as Charlottesville Takes Down Statue of Confederate Soldier
Edward Helmore, Guardian UK
Helmore writes: "Engineers in Charlottesville, Virginia worked to remove a 900lb Confederate statue on Saturday, a moment of symbolic reckoning in the university town that was rocked by a white supremacist march in August 2017."

The statue taken down was not that of Robert E Lee, which extremists said they were defending in clashes which led to the murder of a counter-protester. Instead, Charlottesville removed a bronze figure of a Confederate soldier, known as “At Ready”, that has stood for 111 years outside the Albemarle county courthouse.

Around 100 people cheered from behind barricades as bronze plaques were taken off the sides of the monument and a cannon was removed, the Washington Post reported. Police stood by.

“This is a magnificent moment,” community organizer Don Gathers, 61, told the Post. “Much of the racial tension, strife and protest we’re seeing across the country emanates from right here in Charlottesville. But now we’re moving the needle in a positive way.”

Donald Trump provoked outrage in 2017 when he said there were “very fine people” on both sides of clashes in which Heather Heyer, 32, was killed when an extremist drove his car into a crowd.

Statues to leaders and generals of the Confederacy, which fought and lost the American civil war in an attempt to maintain slavery, have returned to the news this year, amid nationwide protests over racism and police brutality stemming from the killing of George Floyd by Minneapolis officers in May.

In Charlottesville, news reports said armed individuals and militia groups have made periodic “patrols” around Confederate monuments.

Albemarle is the first locality to use a process for removing statues that was approved by the state’s general assembly. But activists have said they are disappointed that “At the Ready” will be re-erected elsewhere.

“We feel like it’s just basically toxic waste disposal in another community,” Jalane Schmidt, an associate professor at the University of Virginia, told the Post.

In Richmond, the state capital, protesters removed a statue of Jefferson Davis, president of the Confederacy from 1861 until 1865. The Democratic mayor ordered another 11 memorials taken down.

Saturday’s removal in Charlottesville came after county supervisors voted on the matter. Larger statues of Lee and Thomas J “Stonewall” Jackson, another Confederate general, remain in place.

Supporters who argue they are no more than memorials to war veterans have filed suit to save them. The city argues that the monuments, put up like many such statues decades after the civil war, “were intended to, and did, send messages of intimidation, exclusion and hostility to African Americans”.

The issue of whether the statues “were part of a regime of city-sanctioned segregation” is headed for state supreme court.

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Nicolás Maduro. (photo: AP)
Nicolás Maduro. (photo: AP)


Venezuela: President Maduro Says US Spy Captured Near Oil Sites
Emily Goddard, The Independent
Goddard writes: "Venezuelan president Nicolas Maduro has claimed a 'US spy' targeting the largest oil refining complex in the country, which is facing a severe fuel shortage crisis, has been captured."

Mr Maduro said the man, alleged to be a marine who served as a CIA operative in Iraq, was arrested on Thursday for spying on the Amuay and Cardon refineries in the northwest state of Falcon.

“He was captured with specialised weapons, he was captured with large amounts of cash, large amounts of dollars and other items,” Mr Maduro, an adversary of the United States, said.

Mr Maduro gave no identity but said the man was being interrogated about his activities.

The president also said Venezuelan authorities had foiled a plot on Wednesday that was aimed at blowing up a third refinery, El Palito in Carabobo state, and urged the nation’s oil workers to be on alert for more attacks.

“The gringo empire wants revenge against Venezuela,” he said.

“It wants to prevent Venezuela from producing all petroleum products, gasoline.”

Neither the US State Department nor the White House have commented on the issue.

The deep fuel scarcity in Venezuela has left drivers stuck in lines for hours and days to fill up vehicles, even in the capital of Caracas, in recent days.

Once one of the world’s largest exporters of oil, Venezuela today relies on imports from Iran.

Analysts predict the next three Iranian ships hauling fuel will not arrive for weeks.

If Mr Maduro’s claim of capturing a US citizen prove correct, the suspect would join two ex-green beret soldiers, Luke Denman and Airan Berry, already jailed in Venezuela for allegedly participating in a failed attempt to overthrow the socialist leader.

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A mountain lion. (photo: National Park Service)
A mountain lion. (photo: National Park Service)


What's the Value of a Mountain Lion?
Mark Elbroch, The Revelator
Elbroch writes: "One popular approach to increasing tolerance for large predators like mountain lions is to speak to people's wallet-mind connection rather than their hearts."

The new book Cougar Conundrum looks at the “ecosystem services” argument for convincing predator-wary people to appreciate big cats.

Ecosystem services are benefits provided by wildlife and other nature that specifically benefit people. Ideally, these services can be quantified to emphasize their importance. Brazilian free-tailed bats, for example, provide millions of dollars in pest control to the agricultural sector each year, both by reducing the need for more pesticides and by reducing pest damage across the United States and Mexico. Globally, animals provide more than $200 billion in pollination services to maintain and grow the most important food crops that feed the human population.

The general idea behind reporting ecosystem services is that everyday people unconcerned about wildlife perk up when they hear about their economic value; subsequently, they increase their tolerance for wildlife and begin to appreciate the animals around them.

The ecosystem services strategy has only rarely been used for mountain lions. The best example is that presented by wildlife ecologist Sophie Gilbert and her team at the University of Idaho. They not only estimated the economic value of services provided by mountain lions by reducing deer–vehicle collisions in dollars, they also measured it in human lives.

To accomplish this, they completed two different analyses. First, they calculated the economic contributions of the nascent population of mountain lions in the Black Hills of South Dakota, by comparing the number of deer–vehicle strikes before and after mountain lions re-established a breeding population. Once in place, resident mountain lions reduced deer collisions by 9%, which translates to an annual savings of approximately $1.1 million for the people of South Dakota. That’s an impressive savings.

Second, Gilbert’s team conducted a predictive calculation of what mountain lions could save people should they re-establish in the East. They predicted that mountain lions would reduce deer numbers by 22%, after which the deer density would stabilize again at a reduced (and healthier) number.

Over thirty years, the effects of re-established mountain lions on deer populations would result in 21,400 fewer injuries to people and 155 fewer human fatalities, and it would avert $2.13 billion spent in damages and reparation. Contemplating these figures makes one’s head spin.

In another ecosystem services study, researchers followed nine mountain lions in Colorado and discovered that they were disproportionately killing deer infected with chronic wasting disease (CWD).   This is a debilitating and contagious neurological disease in which animals suffer slow deterioration of the brain, resulting in abnormal behavior, lethargy, reduced awareness of one’s environment, starvation, and death. Game managers are particularly worried about CWD as it spreads from deer to elk and moose. The only way to stop, or at least slow, the spread of CWD is to hire sharpshooters to prune sick deer from the herd. If it’s true that mountain lions target CWD-infected deer (and we’d need to replicate the study with larger sample sizes to be sure), mountain lions could save state agencies the costs of hiring sharpshooters, and, more importantly, save untold thousands of deer, elk, and moose from terrible deaths. This is something even deer and elk hunters can appreciate.

The counterargument to citing ecosystem services as a conservation strategy to convince people that large predators are good is that it may backfire for species for which we lack information. The ecosystem services argument lays the burden upon biologists to get their act together and document all the positive roles animals play in natural systems so that they can then collaborate with economists to estimate each species’ net value. For mountain lions, most research is dictated by state agencies with no interest in permitting or funding this sort of study, and so it’s unlikely we’ll have a repertoire of ecosystem services research upon which to draw.

Keeping with the theme of speaking to people’s wallets, some researchers and conservation organizations bypass the ecological research and go straight to providing a financial incentive to people who conserve mountain lions and other predators. For example, the Northern Jaguar Project in Sonora, Mexico, with support from the American NGO Defenders of Wildlife, pays ranchers for photographs of carnivores captured on their properties: $300 for a jaguar, $150 for an ocelot, and $100 for a mountain lion.

This is real money in that part of Mexico, and it provides incentive to ranchers to keep animals alive. Carnivores can also continue to pay out over time as they are photographed again and again. In addition, such a system provides an incentive for ranchers to see wild game flourish on their land, which might in turn attract more wild cats, generating additional income.

The problem becomes in ensuring that the pot of money never runs dry — what happens when the ranchers aren’t paid to maintain carnivores on their lands? It’s referred to as the “white elephant” phenomenon in some circles when an NGO with the best of intentions invests in a community for a few years. Then the money dries up, after which people return to the way they were living prior to the “intervention.”

In contrast, though, some ranchers come to value the photos of rare species more than the cash incentive — they are trophies of a sort, and many ranchers feel pride in knowing they support healthy ecosystems.

Nevertheless, the heart of the counterargument to ecosystem services and other wallet-based approaches is that they may discourage people from recognizing the intrinsic value of wildlife above and beyond what they can do for us. Isn’t it a better approach to improving tolerance just to get people to fall in love with mountain lions, rather than to invest the money and time needed to estimate their economic value to human communities and healthy ecosystems?

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Saturday, September 12, 2020

RSN: Robert Reich | Elon Musk Called Me a "Moron" Because I Called Out His Exploitative Labor Practices

 

 

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12 September 20


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Robert Reich | Elon Musk Called Me a "Moron" Because I Called Out His Exploitative Labor Practices
Robert Reich. (photo: Getty)
Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Facebook Page
Reich writes: "He can call me every name in the book - it won't change the fact that he's a modern-day robber baron, through and through."

lon Musk thinks I’m a “moron” because I called out his exploitative labor practices. He neglected to mention that he:

  • Illegally threatened to take away stock options if employees unionized (the judge in this case found Musk and Tesla violated labor laws in 11 additional ways)

  • Fired an employee one day before his stock options vested

  • Fired staff after promising them they could take unpaid time off if they didn’t feel comfortable returning to work during COVID

  • Has had 43 workers’ rights violations filed against his company since 2010

  • Has had 145 complaints filed with California’s Department of Fair Employment and Housing since 2014

He can call me every name in the book — it won’t change the fact that he’s a modern-day robber baron, through and through.


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A supporter of President Donald Trump wears a Trump mask in Miami, May 10, 2020. (photo: Chandan Khanna/Getty)
A supporter of President Donald Trump wears a Trump mask in Miami, May 10, 2020. (photo: Chandan Khanna/Getty)


3,000 Dead on 9/11 Meant Everything. 200,000 Dead of Covid-19 Means Nothing. Here's Why.
Jon Schwarz, The Intercept
Schwarz writes: "To America's leaders, our lives have value only insofar as they can be used to create a desired panic."

ots of people have ridiculed President Donald Trump for telling journalist Bob Woodward that he “wanted to always play [Covid-19] down … because I don’t want to create a panic.” That’s hilarious, because Trump obviously loves creating panics — about Mexican immigrants, antifa, single-family zoning, and, scariest of all, low-flow toilets.

But Trump was, as he often does, telling us by accident something profound about American politics.

Nineteen years ago today, a group of men from Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Lebanon, and the United Arab Emirates hijacked four passenger jets. They successfully flew three of them into the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. All in all, they murdered 2,977 people in one day.

By March 19, the day Trump explained his reasoning to Woodward, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention had already predicted that the coronavirus would kill hundreds of thousands of Americans and possibly as many as 1.7 million.

In the first situation, George W. Bush, then the president of the United States, actively fomented panic. Americans could not sleep safely in their beds unless we invaded Afghanistan. The FBI should be able to obtain the bank records or internet activity of citizens anytime it wanted without a warrant. Saddam Hussein was hiding anthrax in his mustache.

In the second situation, one that was objectively much more frightening, the president of the United States openly acknowledged that he played the danger down. This goes not just for the danger of Covid-19 itself: His administration has also played down the continuing economic danger to tens of millions of Americans.

What accounts for the glaring disparity in reactions?

History shows the answer is as obvious as it is bizarre: Reality often has nothing to do with gigantic government actions. Instead, politics is mostly about illusions that leaders strive to create inside our heads.

In the case of 9/11, the Bush administration did not attempt to respond rationally to the actual events. Instead, they used it as a justification to do what they had always wanted to do but couldn’t get away with. An influential think tank, the Project for a New American Century, had explained the year before that “the United States has for decades sought to play a more permanent role in Gulf regional security,” a goal that “transcends the issue of the regime of Saddam Hussein.” Then-Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld told an aide just hours after American Airlines Flight 77 plowed into the Pentagon that he wanted to “go massive — sweep it all up, things related and not,” including Iraq if possible. Both Bush and his national security adviser, Condoleezza Rice, soon explained that they saw 9/11 as an “opportunity.”

By contrast, Covid-19 really did demand a large-scale government response, but there was little that Trump wanted to do. So Trump has delivered hours of a TV show in which he starred, but not enough PPE for doctors and nurses, or contact tracing, or desperately needed funding for states and cities, and people thrown out of work. Bush wanted a pretext to do a lot of things that were unnecessary, such as invading Iraq, while Trump wanted an excuse to do nothing when, in fact, a lot really needed to be done.

Any look at history shows that this is how the world works. Governments decide what they want to do, and then search for some public rationale.

On December 16, 1989, Panamanian troops shot a U.S. soldier and threatened to rape the wife of a Navy officer. But in the world of political illusion, President George H.W. Bush explained that this meant that we had to invade Panama, which we did, killing hundreds or thousands of people (the precise toll is disputed). An anonymous member of Congress accurately said at the time that “the December 16 incidents were the excuse, and not the reason, for the invasion.” There was no actual connection between the attack on Panama and what had happened to the American troops, which would have been totally ignored if Bush hadn’t wanted a war to oust the country’s military leader, Manuel Noriega, who had once been a CIA asset but had turned into an antagonist to U.S. interests.

On August 2, 1964 the U.S.S. Maddox exchanged fire with North Vietnamese ships in the Gulf of Tonkin. No U.S. sailors were killed; the Maddox suffered a single bullet hole. Then on August 4, nothing at all happened, although the U.S. dreamed up an imaginary second attack on the Maddox. In the world of political illusion, the U.S. used these events as justification to escalate a war that ended up killing millions of people in Indochina.

This isn’t just an American thing.

In April 1980, members of Islamic Dawa, an Iraqi Shia organization opposed to Saddam and backed by Iran, threw a grenade at Tariq Aziz, the deputy prime minster of Iraq. According to Saddam, this meant that Iraq had to go to war with Iran, which it did, leading to the deaths of a million people on both sides.

In June 1982, Palestinian terrorists attempted to assassinate the Israeli ambassador to the U.K. in London. According to Israel, this meant that it had to invade Lebanon, leading to the deaths of thousands and the Sabra and Shatila massacre.

In September 1938, Herschel Grynszpan, who was Jewish, shot a German diplomat in Paris. According to the Nazi Party’s SA paramilitaries, this required them to carry out Kristallnacht.

Today more than any other, we should understand how much Trump’s berserk honesty tells us about life on earth. Our lives have value insofar as the powerful can use them to create whatever “panic” they desire. If not, we Americans will die quietly in a void, as a thousand of us are currently doing every day from Covid-19.

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The Trump administration wants to collect DNA of U.S. citizens sponsoring immigrants. (photo: Getty)
The Trump administration wants to collect DNA of U.S. citizens sponsoring immigrants. (photo: Getty)


Trump Officials Propose Collecting DNA From Citizens Sponsoring Immigrants
Celine Castronuovo, The Hill
Castronuovo writes: "The Trump administration on Friday issued a proposal to expand its DNA and other biometric data collection of immigrants to include citizens sponsoring them."
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A charred vehicle in the parking lot of the Oak Park Motel, near Gates, Oregon. (photo: Kathryn Elsesser/Getty)
A charred vehicle in the parking lot of the Oak Park Motel, near Gates, Oregon. (photo: Kathryn Elsesser/Getty)


When They Came to an Oregon Town to Take Pictures of the Fires, Armed Militias Accused Them of Being Antifa Arsonists
Christopher Miller and Jane Lytvynenko, BuzzFeed
Excerpt: "Authorities in Oregon have struggled for days to fight apocalyptic wildfires that have burned over 800 square miles, forced thousands to evacuate their homes, and killed at least three people. Now they are also fighting a wave of rumors spreading on social media that the blazes were set by left-wing activists linked to the Portland protests."

abriel Trumbly, a Portland videographer who has spent roughly 90 of the past 100 days capturing the protests, wanted to take footage of the forest fires raging in Oregon. So on Wednesday night, the 29-year-old Army veteran set out with his partner, Jennifer Paulsen, 24, to see what was happening near her childhood home of Molalla, a town of 9,000 people known for its annual rodeo, the Buckeroo. Fires surrounding the town were so intense they had prompted a level 3 “GO NOW” warning to evacuate.

Little did they know when they arrived that Trumbly and Paulsen's presence would spark national rumors that far-left activists were starting fires across the West Coast.

After parking their car on the side of a road, the couple pulled on gas masks and shot video of towering flames. As they worked, they encountered people who had rigged a garden hose to a water tank in the bed of a truck and were trying to put out a fire in the driveway. Trumbly and Paulsen briefly spoke with them, as well as a driver who asked them if they needed any water.

Trumbly and Paulsen, both of whom spoke to BuzzFeed News by phone from Portland on Thursday, said the interactions seemed “normal.” They said the fire was moving quickly, so they didn’t stay long in Molalla. “We thought it was getting a bit dangerous, so we left,” Trumbly said.

But shortly after they left, Paulsen began checking Twitter and Facebook to see news about the fires. She noticed that residents were sharing information about their car, including detailed descriptions of its appearance and license plate. The posts claimed they were members of antifa, an amorphous collection of left-wing groups that the president has called “a terrorist organization,” who had come to Molalla from Portland to commit arson.

Authorities in Oregon have struggled for days to fight apocalyptic wildfires that have burned over 800 square miles, forced thousands to evacuate their homes, and killed at least three people. Now they are also fighting a wave of rumors spreading on social media that the blazes were set by left-wing activists linked to the Portland protests.

The panic in Oregon appeared to stem from a woman in a Facebook group called Molalla NOW, meant for locals to share information about community events.

The post, which Trumbly shared a screenshot of on Twitter, claimed he and Paulsen had started a fire and misidentified them as “two guys wearing gas masks and ‘press’ vests.” It quickly garnered hundreds of reactions and replies.

“It blew up with comments!” Paulsen said. “People were saying, ‘Send people out with guns!’ It said we were antifa.”

Paulsen, who graduated from Molalla High School, even knew some of the people in the group. Now she and Trumbly were being hunted by a group of armed men on the town’s streets.

BuzzFeed News was unable to identify the armed men, but a spokesperson for the Molalla Police Department confirmed their presence by phone and two Portland-based freelance reporters who visited the town on Thursday posted photographs of what they said were three armed men who threatened them.

A vague Facebook message by the Molalla Police Department posted Wednesday evening fed suspicion among the rumor- and fire-stricken residents.

“To those of you still in and around town, please report any suspicious activity (strange people walking around/looking into cars and houses/vehicles driving through neighborhoods that don't belong there) to 911 immediately,” the MPD post read.

“Make them dig a grave then shoot them,” read one of the posts calling for them to be shot.

Concerned about dozens of similar posts, Trumbly called the Molalla Police Department around 1 a.m. “to clear things up,” he said.

He said an officer told him several calls had come in since he and Paulsen left Molalla about antifa members being seen in the town and a group of armed men patrolling the streets.

But it wasn’t until early Thursday morning that the police department updated its post.

“EDIT/CLARIFICATION: This is about possible looters, not antifa or setting of fires,” the updated post read. “There has been NO antifa in town as of this posting at 02:00 am. Please, folks, stay calm and use common sense. Stay inside or leave the area.”

While police in Washington did make an arson arrest yesterday, it was long after the fires began spreading, and in a different state.

Besides the Molalla Police Department, the Medford Police Department, the Douglas County Sheriff’s Office, and the Jackson County Sheriff’s Office have published appeals on their Facebook pages in the past 24 hours for the public to stop spreading false information connecting antifa to the Oregon fires.

“Rumors spread just like wildfire and now our 9-1-1 dispatchers and professional staff are being overrun with requests for information and inquiries on an UNTRUE rumor that 6 Antifa members have been arrested for setting fires in DOUGLAS COUNTY, OREGON,” wrote the Douglas County Sheriff’s Office.

Acknowledging the incident, a Molalla Police Department hotline operator told BuzzFeed News Thursday that the department has “gotten calls about antifa arsonists and more [...] We‘ve gotten calls about everything and anything.” The operator also confirmed reports on social media of armed locals patrolling the town’s streets.

Lt. Mike Budreau of the Medford Police told BuzzFeed News that his department had been inundated with unsubstantiated reports about members of antifa and the Proud Boys, a right-wing group. “It’s been problematic and it takes time away from us when we're dealing with not only these fires, we have missing people, missing pets,” he said. “It’s certainly hindering our ability to do our job more effectively.”

The narrative was quickly seized upon by provocateurs. Right-wing website the Biggs Report claimed that antifa members were starting fires throughout the Pacific Northwest. “Possible ANTIFA Member Arrested For Starting Fires In Washington State,” said the post. A Washington state volunteer firefighter service linked to that story on Facebook, receiving 56 shares before the platform removed it.

At the same time, the Biggs Report, founded by a former InfoWars contributor, attempted to knock down rumors of their own, posting a second story that purported to debunk claims that members of far-right group the Proud Boys had started fires of their own. “The Boys Did Nothing Wrong!” said the story.

The group, which the FBI has labeled “extremist” and having “ties to white nationalism,” shared both stories on its Telegram channel.

The antifa narrative was also encouraged by a failed Republican Senate candidate in Oregon. His tweet was retweeted over 8,000 times and a screenshot of it spread on pro-Trump Instagram channels. It was also pushed by a Trump supporter affiliated with conservative nonprofit students organization Turning Point USA in Seattle. Her tweet went viral. “These fires are allegedly linked to Antifa and the Riots,” she wrote.

The rumor has been posted to virtually every social media network, including TikTok and the anonymous messaging board 4chan.

Despite the rampant misinformation, some people were attempting to clarify the situation.

“Ok we gotta clear this up now,” said one person on Facebook alongside a Bureau of Land Management announcement of area closures. “Blm does NOT stand for Black lives matter in this in reference to the fires.”

“They are ones who manages the lands and watch for fires ect,” the person continued. “I think the acronym is causing confusion making people assume its ‘antifa’ before factchecking. local radio refer to them as blm too but means the government program not the protests.... thats where our hysteria is coming from.”

Paulsen said the ordeal has spooked and shocked her. “I know these people or I know their families, and they’re treating me like I’m an outsider, even though that’s where I went to high school. That’s where my parents live,” Paulsen said. “They were writing [on Facebook], “Shoot now, ask questions later. You don’t want your house catching on fire.’”

For the record, Trumbly and Paulsen said they are not members of antifa, although they are against fascism.

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Still from Immigration Nation. (photo: Netflix)
Still from Immigration Nation. (photo: Netflix)


The US Immigration System Is an Exercise in Mass Cruelty
Jacob Hamburger, Jacobin
Excerpt: "A new Netflix series puts the evils of Donald Trump's ICE on full display. The solution to such blatant cruelty isn't to return to Barack Obama's deportation-happy approach, but to finally construct a humane immigration system that isn't tied to the carceral state."


t was supposed to be the documentary ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement) didn’t want you to see. A few weeks before Immigration Nation was set to appear on Netflix, the New York Times reported that the Trump administration was seeking to prevent its release. The filmmakers, Shaul Schwarz and Christina Clusiau, suddenly began receiving aggressive phone calls demanding that they remove certain scenes the agency found unflattering.

In the end, after repeated threats to subpoena footage and bring the “full weight” of the federal government down on the production team, the dispute was resolved, and the six-part series started streaming in early August. Reports that the Trump administration was trying to censor the film ultimately created more buzz for the film.

Yet ICE’s last-minute attacks on Immigration Nation obscured the fact that the agency was perfectly happy to give the filmmakers access to its agents and facilities over several years of filming. ICE’s public affairs director Bryan Cox sat for extensive interviews with Schwarz and Clusiau, while also providing several behind-the-scenes glimpses into how ICE’s local field directors manage their mass arrest operations. While we can’t know for sure what motivated higher-ups in the Trump administration to bully the creators of Immigration Nation, the film clearly portrays ICE like many in the agency want it to be seen.

Despite its somewhat generic title, Immigration Nation does provide a shocking look inside ICE. At the same time, it also contains humanizing profiles of undocumented immigrants, including rare interviews with those currently in detention facilities, and the filmmakers showcase the brave work of activists — often undocumented themselves — fighting against wage theft or ICE collaboration with local police.

As the camera crew follows Stefania Arteaga of the Charlotte-based activist network Comunidad Colectiva, she documents ICE enforcement operations in 2018, and we see the tactics long used against immigrants, but only recently spreading to Americans of all backgrounds, including federal agents refusing to identify themselves, snatching detainees into unmarked vans.

But unsurprisingly for a documentary that relies heavily on access to law enforcement, Immigration Nation suffers one critical flaw: it cannot fully separate its own point of view from the mixed messages coming out of ICE. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the series’s handling of the connection between criminal and immigration enforcement.

The documentary focuses heavily on Trump’s 2017 executive order that effectively undid the Obama administration’s priorities for ICE enforcement. While Obama instructed the agency to prioritize those with serious criminal histories, Trump gave ICE the green light to arrest and remove anyone in the country without legal status. Many of the rank-and-file agents who speak to the filmmakers are enthusiastic about this policy — as one officer puts it, “we’re finally able to do our job…. I honestly still can’t believe that he’s our president.” For another officer, “it’s like Christmas for us.”

Schwarz and Clusiau do not appear to approve of Trump’s Christmas gift to his most loyal federal agents; the impression one gets is that they would prefer a return to the Obama-era policy of deporting “felons, not families.” But despite the Trump administration’s apparent policy shift, ICE representatives continue to justify their harsh approach as necessary to uphold public safety.

Filmed during a public meeting defending collaboration between ICE and local police, Bryan Cox reassures North Carolina residents that “unless they themselves have committed a criminal offense, they themselves have nothing to worry about…. Our focus is on persons who are in the country unlawfully who also commit criminal offenses.”

The filmmakers may not expect the viewer to believe ICE’s spokesperson that only criminals are the agency’s targets. But they almost certainly do intend for us to sympathize with the New York–area agent who confesses that he prefers not to take “collaterals” — arrests of undocumented people who are not on ICE’s radar but who are unlucky enough to find themselves near the main target — because he’d rather be out looking for dangerous felons. Never mind that in the same scene, the agent’s supervisor calls with an instruction to “start taking collaterals,” knowing full well the film crew is in the car.

There is some value in putting the worst evils of ICE — and the series has no shortage of evil, in both the straightforward sadistic and banal Arendtian varieties — into the public view. At the same time, presenting the fundamental problem as trigger-happy ICE agents emboldened by the Trump agenda ends up obscuring the realities of our “immigration nation.”

To take an easy example: at one point, a Trump-supporting deportation officer cheerfully speculates that removals are now “probably double” what they were before. The officer’s enthusiasm for ripping apart families and sending many people to their likely deaths is jarring (particularly after the officer tells the audience that two members of his own family have been deported).

The filmmakers neglect to point out, however, that the officer’s claim isn’t true. Trump’s enforcement agenda has brought about a new reign of terror in immigrant communities, and his administration has inched closer to shutting down the asylum system altogether. But since the immigrants targeted under the last administration often had fewer defenses at their disposal — whether because they included fewer asylum seekers or had more extensive criminal histories — Obama remains the “deporter in chief.”

Most importantly, Immigration Nation perpetuates the myth that prioritizing removals of people with criminal records would create a more humane immigration system. The filmmakers rightly side with activists seeking to end “Section 287(g) agreements,” which deputize local police to conduct federal immigration enforcement. But deporting “felons, not families” also relied on local police and jails to find the “felons” in the first place.

Obama-era ICE agents were less likely to terrorize you at your home or workplace — your local sheriff’s reign of terror was enough. For ICE’s assistant field director in Charlotte, a sadistic thick-necked, goateed man identified in the film as “Bob,” the current system might be more exciting, but the difference is minimal: “Even under the Obama administration when we had the priorities, that really didn’t limit anything…. There was this little fine print at the bottom that said ‘you can arrest anybody you want to….’ And we did!”

Only an immigration regime that is fully decoupled from the police and carceral state, and that no longer mimics the latter’s infrastructure of armed enforcement and mass incarceration, can hope to eradicate the evils depicted in Immigration Nation. It is therefore a shame that the documentary did not include a humanizing portrait of an undocumented person who also happened to have a serious criminal record. (The one slight exception is a man named César who was deported after a conviction for marijuana possession, but who is treated as an exceptionally egregious case because he had served in the Marines.)

To win a more humane immigration system, we will have to challenge the lie that an immigrant who has violated the law must be banished from our society in order to maintain public safety.

Simply displaying the evils of ICE under Trump does little to bring us closer to that goal. In a new age of public impunity, where Trump-loyalist federal agents are snatching protesters off the street, the nativist far right no longer cares about hiding its blatant abuses of federal law enforcement power.

ICE’s public relations team may try to muddy the waters with mixed messages, and its legal team may try to harass critical journalists. But if you put a camera in front of people like the ICE agents who appear in Immigration Nation, they will show you who they are — knowing full well that without a real alternative to the system that put them in power, they have nothing to fear.

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A demonstration in Bogotá, Colombia, on Wednesday. (photo: Ivan Valencia/AP)
A demonstration in Bogotá, Colombia, on Wednesday. (photo: Ivan Valencia/AP)


Colombia: Death Toll Rises to 13 in Protests Over Police Abuse
teleSUR
Excerpt: "At least 13 people have been killed by the police during the demonstrations against police brutality that have been shaking Colombia since Wednesday."
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Protesters rallied outside the Rio Tinto office in June in Perth, Australia, after the destruction of Indigenous heritage sites the month before. (photo: EPA)
Protesters rallied outside the Rio Tinto office in June in Perth, Australia, after the destruction of Indigenous heritage sites the month before. (photo: EPA)


Mining Company CEO Forced to Resign After Blasting of 46,000-Year-Old Aboriginal Site in Australia
Jordan Davidson, EcoWatch
Davidson writes: "The chief executive officer and two senior executives are being forced out of the mining giant Rio Tinto several months after investors started to revolt over the company's destruction of an ancient aboriginal rock shelter."


he chief executive officer and two senior executives are being forced out of the mining giant Rio Tinto several months after investors started to revolt over the company's destruction of an ancient aboriginal rock shelter, according to CNN.

CEO Jean-Sebastian Jacques will leave in March 2021, while two senior executives, Chris Salisbury, iron ore chief executive, and Simone Nieven, head of corporate relations who had the responsibility of handling relations with Indigenous communities, will leave at the end of 2020, according to Forbes.

The 48-year-old chief executive is being forced out after investors listened to a continuing outcry from the Indigenous people of Australia who were horrified that Rio Tinto would trounce upon their sacred ground and blast away the ancient Juukan Gorge rock shelters, two culturally significant rock shelters in Western Australia's Pilbara region. Despite knowing the importance of the grounds to the the Puutu Kunti Kurrama and Pinikura people, Rio Tinto blasted the site in order to mine a better quality of iron ore, according to The Guardian.

The company's board responded to the move by cutting executive pay and stripping the three executives of $7 million in bonuses, but investors lined up to denounce that penalty as inadequate.

"There were certainly some shareholders who felt strongly that the accountability was inappropriate and that this was an issue that needed to be addressed to rebuild trust," said Rio Tinto Chairman Simon Thompson to The Sydney Morning Herald.

"While there is general recognition of the transparency of the board review and support for the changes recommended, significant stakeholders have expressed concerns about executive accountability for the failings identified," the company said in a statement, as The Guardian reported.

The wanton destruction of the site has shed light on the remarkable power the mining industry has over sacred, traditional lands. It has shown the need for greater legal guarantees to make sure heritage sites are protected.

A spokesperson for the Puutu Kunti Kurrama and Pinikura people told The Sydney Morning Herald, "Our focus continues to rest heavily on preserving Aboriginal heritage and advocating for wide-ranging changes to ensure a tragedy like this never happens again. We cannot and will not allow this type of devastation to occur ever again."

Among the prominent shareholders to express their misgivings were several large Australian investment funds and a group of 81 British pension funds. Also, the National Native Title Council in Australia said the board was divorced from reality in thinking that the pay cuts were somehow just punishment for destroying a 46,000-year-old site, according to The Sydney Morning Herald.

"There is more work to be done," said Jamie Lowe, chief executive for the National Native Title Council, as The Guardian reported. "The law needs to be strengthened. We can't rely on the goodwill of mining companies, we need the law strengthened. We can't rely on their word that things will get better."

"What happened at Juukan was wrong," Thompson said Friday to The Sydney Morning Herald. "We are determined to ensure the destruction of a heritage site of such exceptional archaeological and cultural significance never occurs again at a Rio Tinto operation."

Ian Silk, the chief executive of Australia's biggest superannuation fund, AustralianSuper, said that he was "satisfied that appropriate responsibility has now been taken by executives at Rio Tinto," according to The Guardian,

"Rio can now work with traditional owners to guarantee that its processes are appropriate for the protection of culturally important sites and that it has the right internal accountabilities," he added, as The Guardian reported.

Additionally, the Australian Center for Corporate Responsibility applauded Friday's announcement as an end to the "dishonest malaise of Rio Tinto's board and senior management," according to The Guardian.

While the news of the executives departing is welcome, the institutional investors who have the clout to spur action within the company said the company would have to take steps to repair its relationship with Australia's Indigenous people.

"Rio Tinto now has the opportunity to address the necessary remediation, cultural heritage and risk processes with fresh eyes," said Louise Davidson, chief executive of the Australian Council of Superannuation Investors, which advises 38 large super funds on governance issues, to The Guardian.

"Rio Tinto must prioritise working with traditional owners the Puutu Kunti Kurrama and Pinikura people to rebuild their relationship. It is critical that this is not delayed," she added.

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