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We all know that there’s dark money in politics. It’s been one of my main issues throughout this whole campaign. It’s a slinking fear that hangs over every other issue South Dakotans face.
Where there’s people who can’t afford groceries, or small towns shrinking as the local economy slows down, or healthcare that remains just out of reach to regular folks, there’s Big Money interests lying in wait to capitalize on an opportunity. It erodes the very principles of our American republic, the ideals of liberty and hard work and prosperity.
In South Dakota, it’s an issue close to our hearts. I’ve written multiple articles on Kristi Noem’s dark money corruption alone. It’s happening right now, right here in South Dakota. Big Money has already spent hundreds of thousands of dollars to buy politicians who are more favorable to data centers. Oh, and that’s just on state-level races.
Before, when I’ve talked about the influence of Big Money, it’s always been conditional. Folks are worried that Big Money “might” buy our politicians. Big Money “has the power” to outspend regular people to get what it wants. There is no hedging with “if” or “might” anymore. It’s happening, right in front of our eyes.
Big Money interests pushing AI-data centers are playing a massive shell game to hide where their money is going. It goes to PACs, who then shift it to another PAC, and another, until the paper trail is so muddied that no regular person can even tell.
AI-Data Center groups backed 17 primary challengers running for offices in the South Dakota State Legislature. 16 of them won.
My opponent is backed by Big Money, but I’m supported by regular folks like you. New polling has us tied, and puts me in the lead once folks hear more about my opponent and I. If you chip in to the campaign today, it’ll help make sure we get my name, message and background out to as many South Dakotans as possible. Thank you.
If that’s what Big Money is spending just to buy seats in the South Dakota legislature, what kind of money are they putting up for federal seats? Unsurprisingly, a whole lot. My opponent has received max-out, up-to-the-limit donations from nearly the entire executive suites at major tech companies.
On paper, it’s on the up-and-up, but in practice it means that these private corporations are able to give tens of thousands of dollars over their contribution limits in order to buy influence. In any other circumstance where money is moving around, we’d call the practice “structuring.” Structuring is a federal crime. For campaign finance, however, it skates by without scrutiny.
The thing that worries me most is what we can’t see on the paper trail. If this level of corruption is visible and legal, then what’s going on in the background that isn’t? We may be able to see where the money is going, but we can’t see the strings attached in backroom deals and private sit-downs.
A number of South Dakotans I’ve spoken to can’t even conceive that the issues they face will be addressed, or can be addressed. People don’t think their voice, their concerns, or even their votes will be taken into consideration by our politicians. All because Big Money openly controls our politicians.
This race is about a lot of things. It’s about delivering an Independent voice for South Dakota, about making daily life more affordable, and about challenging the status quo and political dysfunction that so many folks are unhappy with. Most of all, it’s about making government work for regular people.
I’m fighting to get Big Money out of politics. I don’t see it as ideological, I see it as absolutely necessary for the future of our republic. Fortunately, I know I’m not alone in this fight.
Thank you for reading.
Brian L. Bengs, Lt Col (Ret)
Independent Candidate for U.S. Senate
The most recent polling has me tied with Mike Rounds in the initial head-to-head. Once folks learn more about me, I jump in the lead, 52% to 44%. To make this a reality in November, we need to get my message out to as many South Dakotans as possible. If you can chip in today, it’ll help make that happen. Thank you.
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WASHINGTON — They sign it by hand. That is the thing about a discharge petition that nobody outside this building ever remembers: there is no proxy, no app, no staffer sent down in a member’s place. You walk to the well of the House, you take the pen, and you write your name in a clerk’s book where anybody in America can go read it.
Two hundred seventeen members have now done that on Discharge Petition No. 25, Migrant Insider has learned. One more name and the American Dream and Promise Act gets a vote on the floor of the House of Representatives, and Speaker Mike Johnson can do nothing about it but watch.
The petition belongs to Rep. Sylvia Garcia, D-Texas. The bill is H.R. 1414. It would keep some undocumented people from being deported and give others a way to adjust their status — the kind of legislation that polls well in every district in this country and yet has died unceremoniously in every Congress that touches it.
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Every Democrat has signed. All of them. That does not happen. Ask anyone who has tried to get 213 Democrats to agree on lunch.
Three Republicans have signed with them. Don Bacon of Nebraska, Maria Elvira Salazar of Florida, and Brian Fitzpatrick of Pennsylvania.
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So the math is finished and it is simple and it is cruel. There is one line left in that book, and it can only be filled by a Republican. Not by an argument, not by a rally, not by a poll showing seven in ten Americans on Garcia’s side. By one member of the GOP majority walking down the steps in front of the cameras and the whip team and picking up the pen.
Discharge Petition No. 25. Twenty-five. There were Congresses that went whole terms without one succeeding at all, because a discharge petition is what members do when the Speaker will not give them a vote, and Speakers used to be able to stop that.
This Congress has moved more of them to the floor than any in modern memory — seven, so far — and every one of them is a note slipped under Johnson’s door telling him his own conference has stopped waiting on him.
Johnson runs a House that no longer runs on him. He has handed away the money power, the war power, the oversight power, one piece at a time, to a White House he has never once found the nerve to tell no.
The Constitution gave Congress the job of checking the other two branches. Johnson gave the job to President Donald Trump. What is left for the rank and file is the clerk’s book in the well — the procedural back stairs, the workaround, the thing members reach for when the front door is bolted from the inside by a Speaker who does not own the lock.
The Dream and Promise Act is not new. It is old the way a debt is old.
People have been carrying this bill for more than a decade — good people, some of them staffers who were 24 when they started and are 38 now, some of them the young immigrants themselves, who came to this Capitol as college kids and now bring their own children to the meetings. It has passed the House before. It has been promised in State of the Union addresses. It has been traded away in three separate grand bargains. It has never become law.
It may not this time either. Two hundred seventeen is a hell of a number and it is still not the number.
Say it gets the 218th. Say it passes the House. It lands in a Senate whose floor is controlled by Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., a quiet man with a hard record on immigration.
In January, 2025, just after Trump’s second inauguration, I asked Thune directly: “President Trump has repeatedly said that he wants to help immigrants with DACA, or the Dreamers. What’s the Senate Republican plan to deliver for President Trump?”
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Thune pivoted to border security.
“But then I hope there’s an interest in doing something in a bipartisan way,” he said. “Obviously the president’s got significant interest in this issue, and it’s gonna take both sides sitting down in good faith to hammer out a solution. That would be a good long-term outcome. In the near term, he’s gotta do the things he needs to do to get the border secure.”
I asked whether “long-term” meant after budget reconciliation.
“A bipartisan initiative would have to be that way,” he said.
That was January. The reconciliation process came and went. The bipartisan initiative did not arrive.
And if the miracle holds — 218 in the well, passage on the floor, Thune finding the good faith he described — the bill goes to a desk in the Oval Office belonging to a man who has spent years telling audiences he loves the Dreamers and has spent this term letting Stephen Miller take them apart by the thousands.
Nothing Trump has done since January 2025 has been more thoroughly his than the deportations. Not the agencies he gutted. Not the departments he hollowed out. This one he chose, and he chose it every single day.
There is still one blank line in that book in the well of the House. Somebody in the majority walks down those steps this week, or nobody does.
Editor’s Note: I’ll be back on Capitol Hill tomorrow morning and throughout the month when the House is in session. I already have a list of names to ask about the Dream Act discharge petition. To support this shoe leather news work, consider subscribing to Migrant Insider —
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SHARED FOR INFORMATION AND EDUCATION ABOUT THE MASSIVE IMPACT
OF DARK MONEY BUYING AN ELECTION!
SUSAN COLLINS HAS FAILED HER CONSTITUENTS AND GENUFLECTS TO
VESTED INTERESTS!
THE MONEY INVESTED TO BUY SUSAN COLLINS' SEAT IN THE SENATE IS
STAGGERING!
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