Note this kind comment from Tracy, a new paid subscriber: "I supported your work because this year the information and communication is crucial." And this from Joan: “You give me reason to pay attention.” The Roiling Body Politic Student protests. Brutal wars. A criminal trial. A time of great uncertainty. STEVEN BESCHLOSS MAY 6 Police break through barricades set up by pro-Palestinian protestors and eventually arrested more than 100 at the University of California, Los Angeles on May 2. (Photo by Qian Weizhong/VCG via Getty Images) Across the country, over 2,000 pro-Palestinian protestors have faced arrest on dozens of college campuses, causing turmoil and flashes of violence as the schools prepare for graduation. At the risk of suspension, expulsion and felony charges, many of these students decided that highlighting the crisis in war-torn Gaza and the plight of Gazans—and in some cases supporting Hamas’ goal of annihilating the Jewish people—is worth the consequences. Never mind the fear and danger they caused many Jewish students with their aggressively anti-Israel, anti-Zionist rhetoric or explicitly antisemitic attacks. Never mind their ignoring the barbarism of October 7. Never mind the happy Republican politicians exploiting the protests as an opportunity to attack university leadership and propose stripping away federal funding. Never mind the prospect that their protests—including anger toward President Joe Biden—could suppress a small percentage of the youth vote, thereby helping Donald Trump. As the protests stirred campuses and attracted massive media coverage (despite representing only a small number of colleges and universities nationally), President Biden navigated the complicated dynamic of supporting free speech and the right to protest while rejecting the criminal behavior. “Dissent is essential for democracy,” he said on Thursday. “But dissent must never lead to disorder.” He added later that “there’s the right to protest, but not the right to cause chaos. People have the right to get an education, the right to get a degree, the right to walk across campus safely without fear of being attacked.” But that’s not all. Rather than engage on the issues with protesting students, Biden and his team has been working aggressively on an Israel-Hamas deal and other diplomatic solutions—to secure a ceasefire, the release of hostages and the expansion of humanitarian aid, while ensuring Israel’s right to defend itself and lay the groundwork for a sustained peace and possibly a two-state solution. “If we can get a ceasefire,” White House National Security Communications Advisor John Kirby said last Tuesday, “we can get something more enduring and then maybe end the conflict and then maybe move forward with normalization [between Israel and Saudi Arabia], but it has to start with a deal and getting these people [hostages] back to their families.” Added State Department spokesperson Matt Miller several days later: “Every day that goes by without a ceasefire is on Hamas. They are the ones that are holding up an answer to this proposal…and an immediate ceasefire.” While the protests are the most recent expression of discontent—causing worry among Democrats that they will spill into the summer and onto the news during the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, just like in 1968—they are just one of a number of roiling actions intended to spur turbulence and conflict. This risks exacerbating the perception of chaos and a fractured Democratic Party, just the climate that Trump hopes will motivate his cult and convince fence-sitters to throw in their lot with the wannabe dictator promising a strong authoritarian hand. Never mind that the criminal defendant will by then secure the nomination, possibly as a convicted felon paying lip service to law and order. Of course, he’s been busy on Truth Social desperately trying to motivate his base to protest his criminal court cases. That hasn’t worked, as his followers have mostly stayed home. But don’t doubt that the constant assertions that the prosecutions represent Biden persecution rather than legitimate judicial proceedings have sunk in with most of his base. In response to this misinformation, the president has gone out of his way to avoid any appearance that he has his thumb on the scale. The closest he’s come to even acknowledging Trump’s criminal trials has been with humor: noting at the White House Correspondents Association dinner that his predecessor is facing “stormy weather” and referring to him on the campaign trial as “Sleepy Don.” The contrast could not be more vivid between the carnage-loving criminal defendant condemning his judge for trying to stop his attacks on jurors, witnesses and court staff and the cool president who’s convinced that actions speak louder than words as he resists adding fuel to the fire. But Biden will need to turn up the heat as the campaign intensifies. And it may not just be Trump and the Republicans necessitating a stronger response. These are disturbing times. A Supreme Court stripping away women’s reproductive freedoms and red states passing extreme abortion bans. War in the Middle East that could keep expanding throughout the region without a diplomatic solution. War in Ukraine that, if Russia succeeds, would likely be only the first step in the murderous Vladimir Putin’s intention to rebuild the Russian empire and attack NATO countries. The rise of authoritarianism and fascist leaders throughout the world. A Republican Party increasingly convinced that suppressing the vote, turning their backs on the democratic project and kowtowing to a dictatorial nominee is their best route to getting and keeping power. Add to this the fact that, while the Israel-Hamas war is a low priority for the large majority of Americans, including most young people, pro-democracy advocates still must convince large swathes of voters that democracy—and their lives—face danger if an authoritarian Trumpian regime were to take power. It doesn’t help that roughly a third of younger voters around the world (18-35) are increasingly dissatisfied with democracy and find appeal in leaders who would “do away with” elections and ignore their legislatures. Suffice to say, let’s avoid glib assumptions about a Biden victory. Nor should we assume that these student protests mirror Vietnam-era protests that helped “law-and-order” candidate Richard Nixon beat Hubert Humphrey in ‘68. History may often rhyme, but times do change, too. This summer Chicago—and the country—may not remain so fractious. And the idea that Trump is a law-and-order candidate will seem increasingly ludicrous to a solid majority if he is criminally convicted. I remain convinced that a massive turnout and an overwhelming defeat is critical to the possibility of democratic repair. Because we can be sure that if Trump loses, he will once again assert that he was cheated and incite “patriots” to take violent action. We need the truth on our side.