GRANHOLM: FAILURE IS A PRETTY GOOD OPTION — Failure can be embarrassing. Failure can be expensive. And when it comes to green stimulus investments like the doomed solar firm Solyndra, failure can be politically toxic. But failure can also be the price of change. As Biden pushes a $2.5 trillion infrastructure plan designed to accelerate America’s transition to clean energy, his team knows there might be stumbles on the road to a greener future. His Energy secretary, Jennifer Granholm, likes to say that you can’t hit the ball if you don’t take a swing. “Sometimes you swing and miss, and that’s OK,” Granholm said in an interview with Nightly. “In Silicon Valley, you put notches in your belt for failures. You just have to learn from them.” President Barack Obama’s 2009 Recovery Act included an unprecedented $90 billion in green investments, and the only one most Americans remember was the busted $535 million loan to Solyndra. There was also voluminous coverage of failed stimulus recipients in the electric vehicle space — like automaker Fisker, battery manufacturer A123 and charging company Ecotality — as well as failed biofuel refineries and carbon-capture projects. The New York Times recently warned of Biden’s plan that “the failures of the Obama stimulus, and Mr. Biden’s role in them, could haunt the plan as it makes its way through Congress.” That may be true — but only because Congress, which relentlessly investigated Solyndra without uncovering any wrongdoing, and the news media, which focus more on planes and government investments that crash than the ones that land safely, have selective memories about the first green stimulus. Yes, Solyndra went bust, but the U.S. solar industry has expanded 50-fold since its 2009 jump-start. Yes, Fisker defaulted, but the same loan program helped save Tesla from bankruptcy. Overall, the loan program turned a $2 billion profit for taxpayers, because it made far more good bets than bad ones. And overall, the stimulus launched America’s clean-energy revolution, helping solar, wind, electric vehicles and LED lighting across the so-called “valley of death” for upstart industries facing entrenched incumbents. Many Republicans now attack all green investments as Solyndra-style crony capitalism, but the goal wasn’t to pick winners and losers. The Obama stimulus boosted all kinds of green technologies, then let the market pick winners and losers. It turned out to be a pretty effective form of venture socialism. Granholm was Michigan’s governor when the stimulus financed several advanced battery factories in her state — including one for A123 before it went bankrupt, and another that made news because demand for electric cars was so feeble that its workers were watching movies on the shop floor. But the investments helped create a domestic electric vehicle industry from scratch. Granholm now drives a Chevrolet Bolt made in Michigan. “We were a little ahead of our time in 2009, but we saw where the puck was going,” she says. “We were just a bit faster than the puck, and there are lessons from that.” The Biden team does not think the lesson of 2009 is not to try: The White House plan includes nearly $1 trillion worth of green investments. And some of them do resemble the risky bets on unproven technologies that created headaches for Obama. There would be “demonstration projects” to convert hydrogen into energy; “pioneer facilities” to capture carbon at steel, cement and chemical factories; and similarly experimental efforts to commercialize floating wind farms, advanced nuclear reactors and other green gambles. Biden wants $300 billion just for manufacturing — and sometimes manufacturers fail. But the Biden plan does emphasize policies that would avoid Solyndra-type busts — cleaning up abandoned coal mines, plugging orphaned oil wells, greening government agencies, forcing utilities to ditch fossil fuels through a clean electricity standard, and expanding existing tax credits for solar and electric vehicles. One lesson Granholm says has been learned from 2009 is the folly of putting the cart of supply before the horse of demand. Ecotality’s charging network predictably flopped before there were electric vehicles that needed charging. But now there are 1 million EVs on the American roads. The bulk of the Biden plan’s $174 billion for electric vehicles will go toward consumer rebates designed to gin up demand. Only $15 billion would go toward more politically fraught efforts to help private companies build charging stations. Inevitably, some of these investments will fail. And unfortunately, people will freak out. If markets were slashing U.S. carbon emissions fast enough to avert climate chaos, government wouldn’t need to make risky bets on green companies. But they aren’t, so it does. Safe bets don’t require government help, but safe bets won’t disrupt a fossil-fueled economy. If you want truly radical change, failure isn’t just an option. It’s a necessity. Welcome to POLITICO Nightly. Reach out with news, tips and ideas for us at mgrunwald@politico.com and rrayasam@politico.com, or on Twitter at @mikegrunwald and @renurayasam.
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